LEE KUAN YEW: THE STRATEGY OF
李光耀："崛起"戰略

EXCELLENCE
卓越

A VISIT TO HARVARD
哈佛之旅

On November 13, 1968, Lee Kuan Yew, the then forty-five-year-old prime
1968年11月13日，李光耀，當時四十五歲的總理

minister of Singapore, arrived at Harvard University for what he described
他抵達哈佛大學，參加他所說的

as a month-long ‘sabbatical’.[1] Singapore had become independent only
[1]新加坡當時才獨立。

three years earlier, but Lee had been its prime minister since 1959, when the
但自1959 年以來，李顯龍一直擔任其總理。

city gained autonomy in the twilight of British rule.
這座城市在英國統治末期獲得了自治權。

Lee told the Harvard Crimson – the student newspaper – that his aims
李告訴《哈佛深紅報》（學生報），他的目標是

were ‘to get fresh ideas, to meet stimulating minds, to go back enriched
是'獲得新的想法，結識有創造力的人，回去後充實自己'。

with a fresh burst of enthusiasm for what I do’, adding, in a touch of self-
我對自己的工作充滿了新的熱情"，他還自我調侃道

effacement, ‘I intend to study all the things I’ve been doing ad hoc without
'我打算研究我一直在臨時做的所有事情，而不

the proper tutoring the past 10 years.’[2] [*]
過去10 年的適當輔導。 '[ 2] [*]

He was soon invited to a meeting by the faculty of Harvard’s Littauer
不久，他應邀參加了哈佛大學利陶爾學院的一次會議。

Center (now the Kennedy School of Government), which comprised
中心（現為甘迺迪政府學院），該中心包括

professors of government, economics and development. At the time,
政府、經濟和發展教授。當時

Americans knew little about Lee – or the tiny, newly established country he
美國人對李將軍所知甚少，也不了解他新建立的小國。

represented. The essence of the faculty’s understanding was that our guest
代表。教員們的基本理解是，我們的客人

led a semi-socialist party and a post-colonial state. As such, when he sat
他領導著一個半社會主義政黨和一個後殖民國家。因此，當他坐在

down at the large oval table, he was warmly welcomed as a kindred spirit
在橢圓形的大桌旁坐下，他受到了熱烈歡迎，被視為同道中人

by my predominantly liberal colleagues assembled for the occasion.
我的同事們主要是自由派人士，他們為此聚集一堂。

Compact, and radiating energy, Lee wasted no time on small talk or
體型小巧，精力充沛，李沒有浪費時間閒聊或

introductory remarks. Instead, he asked for the faculty’s views on the war in
開場白。相反，他詢問了教職員工們對阿富汗戰爭的看法。

Vietnam.[3] My colleagues, voicing passionate opposition to the conflict
[3]我的同事們對衝突表示強烈反對

and to America’s part in it, were divided primarily over whether President
對美國在其中所發揮作用的看法，主要分歧在於總統是否

Lyndon B. Johnson was a ‘war criminal’ or merely a ‘psychopath’. After a
林登-約翰遜是"戰犯"還是"神經病"？在

number of the professors had spoken, the dean of the Littauer faculty
多位教授發了言，利陶爾學院院長

invited Lee to express his views, smiling in a way that clearly anticipated
他邀請李表達自己的觀點，微笑的方式顯然預示著

approbation.
批准。

With his first words, Lee went straight to the point: ‘You make me sick.’
李的第一句話就直奔主題：「你讓我噁心。

Then, without making any attempt to ingratiate himself, he proceeded to
然後，他絲毫沒有討好的意思，接著說

explain that Singapore, as a small country in a tumultuous part of the world,
新加坡是世界動盪地區的一個小國、

depended for its survival on an America confident in its mission of
美國的生存有賴它對自己的使命充滿信心。

providing global security and powerful enough to counter the communist
提供全球安全，並有足夠的力量對抗共產主義。

guerrilla movements that were then seeking, with support from China, to
在中國的支持下，遊擊隊運動當時正尋求

undermine the young nations of Southeast Asia.
破壞東南亞年輕的國家。

Neither a supplication for assistance nor an appeal to virtue, Lee’s
李既不是在祈求援助，也不是在呼籲美德。

response was instead a dispassionate analysis of the geopolitical realities of
而非冷靜地分析地緣政治的現實。

his region. He described what he believed was Singapore’s national interest:
他的地區。他闡述了他所認為的新加坡的國家利益：

to achieve economic viability and security. He made clear that his country
實現經濟活力和安全。他明確表示，他的國家

would do what it could in pursuit of both objectives, aware that America
將盡其所能實現這兩個目標，並意識到美國

would make its own decisions about any assistance for its own reasons. He
將出於自己的原因對任何援助做出自己的決定。他說

invited his interlocutors to join him less in a common ideology than in a
他邀請對話者與其說是為了共同的意識形態，不如說是為了一種

joint exploration of the necessary.
共同探討必要的。

To the astonished Harvard faculty, Lee articulated a worldview free of
李開復向哈佛大學的教職員闡述了他的世界觀。

anti-American animus and post-imperial resentment. He neither blamed the
反美情緒和後帝國主義的怨恨。他既沒有指責

United States for Singapore’s challenges nor expected it to solve them.
新加坡所面臨的挑戰與美國無關，也不期待美國能解決這些挑戰。

Rather, he sought American goodwill so that Singapore, lacking oil and
相反，他尋求美國的善意，以便缺乏石油和能源的新加坡能夠

other natural riches, could grow through the cultivation of what he said was
其他自然財富，可以透過培養他所說的

its principal resource: the quality of its people, whose potential could
它的主要資源是其人民的素質，他們的潛力可以

develop only if they were not abandoned to communist insurgency, invasion
只有在不被共產主義叛亂、入侵和戰爭所拋棄的情況下，這些國家才能發展起來。

by neighboring countries or Chinese hegemony. Earlier that year, British
鄰國或中國的霸權。同年早些時候，英國

Prime Minister Harold Wilson had announced the withdrawal of all forces
哈羅德-威爾遜首相宣布撤出所有部隊

‘east of Suez’, requiring the closure of the massive Royal Navy base that
蘇伊士以東"，需要關閉規模龐大的皇家海軍基地。

had been a pillar of Singapore’s economy and security. Lee was therefore
李顯龍曾是新加坡經濟與安全的支柱。因此，李顯龍

seeking an American hand to help counter the difficulties he saw looming.
尋求美國的幫助，以應對他所看到的迫在眉睫的困難。

He framed this task less in terms of the prevailing moral categories of the
他並不是從當時流行的道德範疇來決定這項任務的。

Cold War than as an element in the construction of a regional order – in the
冷戰時期，而非作為建構地區秩序的一個要素--在

sustaining of which America should develop its own national interest.
美國應該發展自己的國家利益。

One of the essential qualities of a statesman is the ability to resist being
政治家的基本素質之一是有能力不被人看不起。

swept along by the mood of the moment. Lee’s performance in that long-
被當時的氣氛所感染。李小龍在該片中的表演

ago Harvard seminar was instructive not only for the clarity of his
他在哈佛大學研討會上的演講不僅對我們具有啟發意義，而且還使我們認識到

analysis – of both America’s and Singapore’s positions in the world – but
對美國和新加坡在世界上的地位進行分析，但

also for his courage in going against the grain. It was a quality which he
也因為他敢於逆流而上。這是他

would display many times in his career.
在他的職業生涯中，他曾多次展示過這一點。

THE GIANT FROM LILLIPUT
小人國巨人

Lee’s achievements were distinct from those of the other leaders described
李的成就與其他領導者的成就截然不同

in this volume. Each of them represented a major country with a culture
在這一卷中。他們每個人都代表著一個主要國家的文化

formed over centuries, if not millennia. For such leaders, as they attempt to
如果不是千年，也是幾個世紀以來形成的。對這些領導人來說，當他們試圖

guide their society from a familiar past to an evolving future, success is
引導他們的社會從熟悉的過去走向不斷發展的未來，成功就是

measured by their ability to direct their society’s historical experience and
衡量的標準是他們指導社會歷史經驗和

values so that its potential may be fulfilled.
價值，從而發揮其潛力。

The statesmanship practiced by Lee Kuan Yew developed from different
李光耀從不同的政治家精神發展而來。

origins. When he became leader of independent Singapore in August 1965,
出身1965 年8 月，他成為新加坡獨立後的領導人、

he took charge of a country that had never before existed – and hence, in
他掌管了一個從未存在過的國家--因此，在

effect, had no political past except as an imperial subject. Lee’s
實際上，除了作為帝國臣民的身份，他沒有任何政治過去。李的

achievements were to overcome his nation’s experience, to establish a
他的成就是克服了自己國家的經驗，建立了一個

distinct conception of itself by conjuring up a dynamic future from a society
透過從一個社會中勾勒出充滿活力的未來，對自身進行獨特的構思

composed of divergent ethnic groups and to transform a poverty-ridden city
由不同民族組成，並改造一個貧窮的城市

into a world-class economy. In the process, he grew into a world statesman
成為世界級經濟體。在此過程中，他成長為世界政治家

and sought-after adviser to the great powers. Richard Nixon said he showed
他是一位廣受歡迎的大國顧問。理查德-尼克森說，他展示了

the ‘ability to rise above the resentments of the moment and of the past and
能夠超越當下和過去的怨恨，並且

think about the nature of the new world to come’.[4] Margaret Thatcher
思考未來新世界的本質"。

called him ‘one of the twentieth century’s most accomplished practitioners
稱他為"二十世紀最有成就的實踐者之一"。

of statecraft’.[5]
'[5]。

Lee accomplished all this in the face of seemingly crippling
李小龍是在面臨看似癱瘓的情況下完成這一切的

disadvantages. Singapore’s territory was ‘some 224 square miles at low
劣勢。新加坡的領土面積"約為224 平方英里，地勢低窪"。

tide’, as he was wont to say – smaller than that of Chicago.[6] It lacked the
他常說"潮水"比芝加哥的潮水還小。

most basic natural resources, including sufficient drinking water. Even the
最基本的天然資源，包括充足的飲用水。即使是

tropical rains – Singapore’s main domestic source of drinking water at the
熱帶雨林--新加坡主要的生活飲用水源

time of independence – were an ambiguous gift, leaching the soil of
在獨立戰爭時期，它是一份含糊不清的禮物，玷污了土壤中的

nutrients and making productive agriculture impossible.[7] Singapore’s
養分，使農業生產無法進行。

population of 1.9 million was, by global standards, minuscule and rent by
從全球標準來看，190 萬的人口是微不足道的，而從租房的角度來看，則是......

tension among three distinct ethnic groups: Chinese, Malay and Indian. It
三個不同民族之間的關係緊張：華人、馬來人和印度人。它

was surrounded by much larger and more powerful states, particularly
周圍有更大更強大的國家，特別是

Malaysia and Indonesia, that envied its deep-water port and strategic
馬來西亞和印尼羨慕其深水港和戰略地位

location along maritime trading routes.
位於海上貿易路線沿線。

From this inauspicious genesis, Lee initiated an epic of leadership that
從這一不吉利的起源開始，李開復開創了一部領導史詩，其中包括

transformed Singapore into one of the world’s most successful countries. A
把新加坡變成了世界上最成功的國家之一。 A

malarial island off the southernmost tip of the Malay peninsula became – in
這個位於馬來半島最南端的瘴癧之島在

the span of a single generation – Asia’s wealthiest country on a per capita
在一代人的時間跨度內--以人均計算，亞洲最富有的國家

basis and the de facto commercial center of Southeast Asia. Today, by
的基礎，也是東南亞事實上的商業中心。今天，透過

almost every measure of human well-being, it ranks globally in the highest
幾乎在所有衡量人類福祉的指標中，它都位居全球前列。

percentile.
百分位數。

In contrast to countries whose persistence through the convulsions of
相較之下，一些國家在"世界經濟危機"的震盪中堅持了下來。

history is taken for granted, Singapore would not survive unless it
歷史被當作理所當然，除非新加坡能夠生存下去，否則

performed at the highest possible level – as Lee relentlessly warned his
正如李小龍毫不留情地告誡他的朋友們的那樣

compatriots. As he put it in his memoirs, Singapore was ‘not a natural
同胞。正如他在回憶錄中所說，新加坡"不是一個天然的

country but man-made’.[8] Precisely because it had no past as a nation, there
8] 正因為它沒有作為一個國家的過去，所以才會有

was no assurance it would have a future; its margin for error thus remained
因此，它的誤差範圍仍然是

perpetually close to zero. ‘I’m concerned that Singaporeans assume
永遠接近零。我擔心新加坡人認為

Singapore is a normal country,’ he would say several times later in his life.
新加坡是一個正常的國家，"他後來多次這樣說。

[9] ‘If we do not have a government and a people that differentiate
[9] "如果我們的政府和人民沒有區別對待

themselves from the rest of the neighborhood . . . Singapore will cease to
......。新加坡將不再

exist.’[10]
exist. '[ 10]

In Singapore’s struggle to form itself and survive as a nation, domestic
在新加坡的建國和生存鬥爭中，國內

and foreign policy had to be closely intertwined. There were three
外交政策必須緊密結合。有三個

requirements: economic growth to sustain the population, sufficient
要求：維持人口的經濟成長、足夠的

domestic cohesion to permit long-range policies, and a foreign policy
國內凝聚力，以便制定長期政策，以及外交政策

nimble enough to survive among international behemoths such as Russia
足以在俄羅斯等國際巨頭中生存的靈活性

and China and covetous neighbors such as Malaysia and Indonesia.
和中國，以及馬來西亞和印尼等覬覦的鄰國。

Lee also had the historical awareness necessary for real leadership. ‘City
李還具有真正領導所需的歷史意識。城市

states do not have good survival records,’ he observed in 1998.[11] ‘The
他在1998 年指出：『各州的生存記錄並不好』[11]。

island of Singapore will not disappear, but the sovereign nation it has
新加坡島不會消失，但它所擁有的主權國家

become, able to make its way and play its role in the world, could
能夠在世界上闖出自己的一片天，發揮自己的作用，可以

vanish.’[12] In his mind, Singapore’s trajectory had to be a steep upward
vanish. '[ 12] 在他的心目中，新加坡的發展軌跡必須是陡峭的上升

curve with no end in sight; otherwise, it would risk being engulfed by its
曲線，而且看不到盡頭；否則，它就有可能被自己的

hinterland or by the severity of its economic and social challenges. Lee
腹地或其經濟和社會挑戰的嚴重程度。李

taught a kind of global physics in which societies must constantly strive to
教導人們一種全球物理學，在這種物理學中，社會必須不斷努力

avoid entropy. Leaders are tempted by pessimism, he observed to a private
避免熵。他對一位私人記者說：「領導者會受到悲觀主義的誘惑。

gathering of world leaders in May 1979, when Singapore was in the early
1979年5月，世界各國領導人齊聚新加坡，當時新加坡正處於...

stages of growth, but ‘we have to fight our way out of it. You have to show
但'我們必須努力擺脫困境。你必須展示

a credible, plausible way that we can keep our head above water.’[13]
一個可信的、似是而非的方法，讓我們能夠保持頭腦清醒。 '[ 13]

Parallel to Lee’s dire warnings about the threat of extinction lay an
在李發出滅絕威脅的可怕警告的同時，還有一個

equally vivid imagination of his country’s potential. If every great
他對自己國家的潛力有著同樣生動的想像。如果每一位偉大的

achievement is a dream before it becomes a reality, Lee’s dream was
成就是夢想成為現實之前的事，李的夢想是

breathtaking in its audacity: he envisioned a state that would not simply
其大膽程度令人嘆為觀止：他設想的國家不僅僅是

survive but flourish through an insistence on excellence. In Lee’s
堅持卓越，才能生存，才能發展。在李

perception, excellence meant much more than individual performance: the
在他們看來，卓越的意義遠不止於個人的表現：

quest for it needed to permeate the entire society. Whether in government
對它的追求需要滲透到整個社會。無論是在政府

service, business, medicine or education, mediocrity and corruption were
在服務、商業、醫療或教育領域，平庸和腐敗是

not acceptable. There was no second chance in case of transgressions, very
不能接受。如果有過失，沒有第二次機會，非常

little tolerance for failure. In this manner, Singapore achieved a worldwide
對失敗的容忍度很低。透過這種方式，新加坡在世界範圍內

reputation for collectively outstanding performance. A sense of shared
因集體優異表現而享有盛譽。共同意識

success, in Lee’s view, could help to knit his society together despite the
李認為，成功有助於將他的社會凝聚在一起，儘管存在著

lack of a universally shared religion, ethnicity or culture.
缺乏普遍認同的宗教、種族或文化。

Lee’s ultimate gift to his multi-ethnic people was his unremitting faith
李小龍給他的多民族人民的最終禮物是他堅持不懈的信念

that they were their own greatest resource, that they had the capacity to
他們是自己最大的資源，有能力

unlock possibilities in themselves that they had not known existed. He also
他們會發現自己身上蘊藏著未知的可能性。他還

devoted himself to encouraging a comparable confidence in his foreign
他致力於鼓勵他的外國朋友對他抱持同樣的信心

friends and acquaintances. He was persuasive not only because he was a
朋友和熟人。他之所以有說服力，不僅因為他是一個

subtle observer of the regional politics of Southeast Asia but because his
他是東南亞地區政治的敏銳觀察者，但也因為他的

Chinese heritage, combined with his Cambridge University education, gave
中國血統加上劍橋大學的教育，使他

him exceptional insight into the dynamics of the interaction between East
他對東方與西方之間的互動動態有著非凡的洞察力。

and West – one of the essential fulcrums of history.
和西方--歷史的重要支點之一。

Throughout his life, Lee insisted on describing his contributions as
李終其一生都堅持將自己的貢獻描述為

merely the unlocking of his society’s existing capabilities. He knew that to
只是釋放他的社會的現有能力。他知道，要

succeed, his quest had to become the enduring pattern, not a personal tour
成功，他的追求必須成為持久的模式，而不是個人旅遊

de force. ‘Anybody who thinks he’s a statesman needs to see a psychiatrist,’
的力量。任何認為自己是政治家的人都需要去看心理醫生。

he once said.[14]
他曾說過[14]。

In time, Singapore’s success under Lee moved even China to study his
隨著時間的推移，新加坡在李顯龍領導下的成功甚至讓中國開始學習他。

approach and emulate his designs. In 1978, Deng Xiaoping came to the
方法，並模仿他的設計。 1978 年，鄧小平來到中國。

city-state expecting to see a backwater and to be cheered by throngs of
城邦，期望看到一個落後的地方，並得到成群結隊的

ethnic Chinese. Deng had spent two days in Singapore on his way to Paris
華裔。鄧小平在前往巴黎的途中在新加坡停留了兩天

in 1920, and in the intervening years his information on the city had largely
1920 年，在此期間，他關於這座城市的資訊主要是

been provided by an obsequious entourage prone to paint the Singaporean
諂媚的隨從提供的，容易把新加坡人描繪成"諫媚者"。

leadership as the ‘running dogs of American imperialism’.[15] Instead, the
[15]。

ethnic Chinese Deng met in Singapore were firm in their allegiance to their
鄧小平在新加坡遇到的華裔都堅定地效忠他們的祖國。

young nation. The gleaming skyscrapers and immaculate avenues Deng
年輕的國家。金碧輝煌的摩天大樓和一塵不染的林蔭大道

encountered provided him with both an impetus and a blueprint for China’s
這為他提供了推動力，也為他描繪了中國的發展藍圖。

own post-Mao reforms.
自己的後毛澤東時代改革。

IMPERIAL YOUTH
帝國青年

Lee Kuan Yew was born in September 1923, scarcely more than a century
Lee Kuan Yew 出生於1923 年9 月，距今不過一個多世紀。

after Sir Stamford Raffles, lieutenant-governor of the British colony in
以英國殖民地副總督斯坦福-萊佛士爵士（Sir Stamford Raffles）的名字命名。

Sumatra, established a trading post on the small island near the Strait of
在蘇門答臘島附近的小島上建立了一個貿易站。

Malacca known to locals as ‘Singa Pura’, meaning ‘Lion City’ in Sanskrit.
Malacca 被當地人稱為" Singa Pura"，在梵文中意為"獅城"。

Founded by Raffles in 1819, Singapore was technically ruled from Calcutta
新加坡於1819 年由萊佛士建立，技術上由加爾各答統治。

as part of ‘further India’, although the limited communications technology
作為"更遠的印度"的一部分，儘管通信技術有限

of the day allowed considerable leeway to locally based colonial
在當時，以地方為基礎的殖民者有相當大的迴旋餘地。

administrators. Declared a free port by London – and enriched by natural-
管理者。倫敦宣布該港為自由港，並以天然資源豐富為優勢。

resource exports from the Malayan mainland – the new outpost grew
馬來亞大陸的資源出口--這個新的前哨成長了

swiftly, drawing traders and fortune-seekers from Southeast Asia and
迅速吸引了來自東南亞和非洲的商人和求財者。

beyond. From 1867, Singapore was placed under the direct jurisdiction of
之後。從1867 年起，新加坡被置於英國的直接管轄之下。

the Colonial Office in London as a crown colony.
倫敦殖民辦公室的殖民地。

[16]

Ethnic Chinese in particular flocked to Singapore and soon became its
特別是華裔湧入新加坡，並很快成為新加坡的

majority – some coming from the nearby Malay peninsula and Indonesian
其中一些來自附近的馬來半島和印度尼西亞

archipelago, others fleeing from turmoil and poverty in crisis-racked
群島，以及其他逃離動盪和貧困的人。

nineteenth-century China. Among the latter group was Lee’s great-
十九世紀的中國。在後一組中，李的偉大--

grandfather, who traveled to Singapore from the southern Chinese province
他的祖父從中國南部省份來到新加坡

of Guangdong in 1863. Malays, Indians, Arabs, Armenians and Jews
1863 年在廣東成立。馬來人、印度人、阿拉伯人、亞美尼亞人和猶太人

likewise settled in the freewheeling entrepot, giving the city a polyglot
同樣，在這個自由的轉口貿易港定居，使這座城市呈現出多語言的特徵

character. By the 1920s, Malaya produced almost one-half of the world’s
特徵到20 世紀20 年代，馬來亞生產了世界上近二分之一的

rubber and one-third of its tin, exporting both via Singapore’s port.[17]
橡膠和三分之一的錫都透過新加坡港口出口。

By the time of Lee’s birth, Singapore had also become a cornerstone of
在李顯龍出生時，新加坡也成為以下國家的基石

British military strategy in Asia. Britain had been an ally of Japan since
英國在亞洲的軍事戰略。英國自

1902, going so far as to call in Japanese marines to help crush an Indian
1902 年，他甚至呼籲日本海軍陸戰隊幫助鎮壓印度人。

army mutiny in Singapore in 1915.[18] But by 1921, the Admiralty had
但到了1921 年，英國海軍部已

become anxious about Japan’s growing power and resolved to build a
對日本日益強大的國力感到焦慮，決心建立一個

substantial naval base in Singapore, with the aim of turning it into ‘the
在新加坡建立大型海軍基地，目的是將其打造成"世界上最大的海軍基地"。

Gibraltar of the East’.[19] Despite the rise of Japan, the world of Lee’s
19]儘管日本崛起了，李小龍的世界仍然是"東方直布羅陀"。

childhood was one in which the British Empire appeared both invincible
在童年時代，大英帝國似乎是不可戰勝的

and eternal. ‘There was no question of any resentment,’ he recalled decades
和永恆。他回憶說：「沒有任何怨恨」。

later; ‘the superior status of the British in government and society was
後來；'英國人在政府和社會中的優越地位是

simply a fact of life.’[20]
這只是生活中的一個事實。 '[ 20]

Lee’s family prospered during the boom years of the 1920s. Influenced
李氏家族在20 世紀20 年代的經濟繁榮時期興旺發達。影響

by a particularly Anglophilic grandfather, Lee’s parents also took the
由於祖父特別喜歡英國，李的父母也把

unusual step of giving their sons English names in addition to their Chinese
不尋常地給他們的兒子取了英文名，而不是中文名

ones. Lee’s was ‘Harry’. From the age of six, he was educated in English-
人。李的名字是"哈利"。從六歲起，他就接受英語教育。

language schools.[21]
語言學校。

Despite these English influences, Lee’s upbringing was traditionally
儘管受到這些英國文化的影響，李小龍的成長經驗卻是傳統的

Chinese. He was raised with his extended family – including seven
中國人。他與大家庭一起長大，其中包括7 個兄弟姐妹。

cousins – in his maternal grandfather’s house, where his parents shared a
在他外祖父家，他的父母和他的表兄弟住在一起。

single room with their five children. From these childhood experiences and
他們和五個孩子住在一個房間裡。從這些童年經驗和

Confucian cultural influences, filial piety, frugality and a prizing of
儒家文化的影響、孝道、節儉與崇尚

harmony and stability were early imprints on his mind.
和諧與穩定是他心中的早期烙印。

His parents were not educated professionals and suffered when the Great
他的父母都不是受過教育的專業人士，在大革命期間飽受磨難。

Depression struck in 1929. Lee wrote in his memoirs that his father, a
1929 年經濟蕭條。李在回憶錄中寫道，他的父親是一位

storekeeper for Shell Oil Company, would often ‘come home in a foul
殼牌石油公司的倉庫保管員，經常"一身臭氣地回家"。

mood after losing at blackjack . . . and demand some of my mother’s
二十一點輸了之後的心情......

jewellery to pawn so that he could go back to try his luck again’.[22] She
珠寶典當，這樣他就可以回去再碰碰運氣'。

always refused, safeguarding the education of the children, who, in turn,
他們總是拒絕，以保障孩子的教育，而孩子反過來也會拒絕、

adored her and felt a lifelong obligation to meet her high expectations.[23]
[23]。

A clever but at times rebellious student, the twelve-year-old Lee
十二歲的李是個聰明但時常叛逆的學生。

graduated at the top of his primary-school class, thereby gaining admission
他以小學班級第一名的成績畢業，從而獲得入學資格

to the Raffles Institution, alongside 150 of the best students of all ethnicities
到萊佛士學院，與150 位最優秀的各族裔學生一起學習

and classes in Singapore and Malaya who had been admitted exclusively on
以及在新加坡和馬來亞的班級​​，他們完全是根據以下條件入學的

the basis of merit – including Miss Kwa Geok Choo, who was the only
擇優錄取--包括瓜小姐Geok Choo，她是唯一的

female student.[24] Then as now, the Raffles Institution was the most
當時的萊佛士學院和現在的萊佛士學院一樣，都是最受歡迎的學校。

rigorous English-language secondary school in Singapore and the training
新加坡嚴格的英語中學和培訓學校

ground of the city’s future elite. It aimed at preparing the ablest colonial
城市未來精英的搖籃。它旨在培養最優秀的殖民地

subjects for the entrance examinations to British universities. Later in life,
英國大學入學考試的科目。晚年生活

upon meeting Commonwealth leaders from around the world, Lee
在會見來自世界各地的英聯邦領導人時，李

invariably ‘discovered that they also had gone through the same drill with
不約而同地"發現，他們也經歷了與

the same textbooks and could quote the same passages from Shakespeare’.
相同的教科書，並能引用莎士比亞的相同段落"。

[25] They were all part of ‘the easy old-boy network . . . nurtured by the
[他們都是"輕鬆的老男孩網絡...... "的一部分。

British colonial education system’.[26]
英國殖民教育體系"[26]。

Cognizant of their son’s academic promise, and regretting that they had
認識兒子的學業前景，並對他們曾經

not made more of their own careers, Lee’s parents encouraged him to
李的父母鼓勵他

pursue medicine or law. He dutifully made plans to study law in London,
是學醫還是學法律？他盡責地制定了在倫敦學習法律的計劃、

being placed first in Singapore and Malaya in the senior Cambridge
在新加坡和馬來亞高級劍橋考試中名列第一

examinations.[27] But in 1940, with the outbreak of another world war in
[27]但是，1940 年，隨著另一場世界大戰在美國爆發，"......"。

Europe, Lee decided it would be better to remain in Singapore and study at
在歐洲，Lee 決定最好留在新加坡，並在以下學校學習

Raffles College (now the National University of Singapore), where he had
萊佛士學院（現為新加坡國立大學），在那裡他曾

been awarded a full scholarship.[28]
獲得全額獎學金。

Lee excelled academically during his freshman year, competing with
李在大一學年的學業成績非常優異，曾與

Miss Kwa for first place in various subjects. Returning to his dream to
誇小姐各科第一名。回到他的夢想

study law in England, he set his sights on attaining a Queen’s scholarship,
在英國學習法律的過程中，他立志要獲得女王獎學金、

which would cover the costs of a university education in Britain. Since only
這可以支付在英國接受大學教育的費用。由於只有

two students in the Straits Settlements (Malacca, Penang and Singapore)
海峽殖民地（馬六甲、檳城和新加坡）的兩名學生

were awarded a Queen’s scholarship every year, Lee was perpetually
每年都被授予女王獎學金，李則永遠是

anxious that Miss Kwa and a top student from another school would take
擔心瓜小姐和另一所學校的一名高材生會把

the first two places, leaving him behind in Singapore.[29]
前兩名，將他甩在了新加坡後面[29]。

There were greater anxieties to come. In December 1941, the Japanese
更大的焦慮還在後面。 1941 年12 月，日本

bombed the US Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, and simultaneously
轟炸了位於夏威夷珍珠港的美國太平洋艦隊，並同時

attacked British Malaya, Hong Kong and Singapore. Two months later, in
襲擊了英屬馬來亞、香港和新加坡。兩個月後，在

February 1942, the city was conquered by Japan in what Winston Churchill
1942 年2 月，這座城市被日本攻陷，溫斯頓-邱吉爾

would call ‘the worst disaster and largest capitulation in British history’.
被稱為"英國歷史上最嚴重的災難和最大的投降"。

Lee, then eighteen years old, later described this as ‘the first turning point
當時年僅18 歲的李後來將此描述為"第一個轉折點"。

of my life’, contrasting the panicked departure of bourgeois British families
我一生的"，與英國資產階級家庭的慌亂離去形成鮮明對比

with the stoic suffering of their colonial subjects and the 80,000 British,
他們的殖民地臣民和8 萬名英國人忍氣吞聲地承受著苦難、

Australian and Indian soldiers who had been captured by the Japanese. For
被日軍俘虜的澳洲和印度士兵。對於

Lee and countless other Singaporeans, ‘the aura of overwhelming
李顯龍和無數其他新加坡人，"壓倒性的光環

superiority with which the British held us in thrall was broken, never to be
英國人曾經讓我們魂牽夢繞的優勢被打破了，再也沒有了

restored’.[30]
恢復'。

A brutal occupation followed, as Singapore’s trade-dependent economy
隨著新加坡依賴貿易的經濟發展，殘酷的佔領隨之而來。

was choked by war and its population demoralized by conditions of near-
因戰爭而窒息，因近-的條件而士氣低落。

starvation. Japanese authorities renamed streets and public buildings, took
飢餓。日本當局重新命名了街道和公共建築，並採取了以下措施

down the bronze statue of Raffles from Empress Place and imposed their
將萊佛士銅像從皇后坊上拆下，並強加給他們的

imperial calendar.
皇歷。

[31] Lee himself narrowly avoided death after being
[31] 李本人也差點喪命。

arbitrarily rounded up by Japanese troops in a mass detention of Chinese
被日軍任意圍捕，大規模拘留中國人

men, most of whom were summarily executed – especially those with soft
他們中的大多數人被即決處決，尤其是那些軟弱無能的人。

hands or spectacles, singled out as ‘intellectuals’ whose loyalties might lie
手或眼鏡，被挑出來作為"知識分子"，他們的忠誠可能在於

with Britain. Tens of thousands were massacred.[32] Lee was spared, took a
數萬人被屠殺。數萬人被屠殺。

three-month Japanese language course and found work – first as a clerk at a
他參加了為期三個月的日語課程，並找到了工作--先是在日語學校當文員

Japanese company, then as an English translator in the Japanese propaganda
在日本公司工作，然後在日本宣傳部門擔任英語翻譯。

department, and finally as a black-market jewelry broker.
最後成為黑市珠寶掮客。

[33] During the
[33] 在

war years, Lee learned that ‘the key to survival was improvisation’ – a
在戰爭年代，李知道了"生存的關鍵在於隨機應變"--一種

lesson that would shape his pragmatic, experimental approach to governing
這一教訓將塑造他務實、實驗性的執政方式

Singapore.[34]
新加坡。

With the war’s end, Lee at last achieved a Queen’s scholarship to study
戰爭結束後，李終於獲得了女王獎學金，攻讀

law at Cambridge, graduating with a first-class degree. Miss Kwa, whom
她在劍橋大學學習法律，畢業時獲得了一等學位。瓜小姐

Lee had begun courting during the war, followed the same path, and in
李在戰爭期間開始求愛，走的是同一條路，並在

December 1947 the two were quietly married in Stratford-upon-Avon.[35]
1947 年12 月，兩人在埃文河畔斯特拉特福悄悄結婚。

‘Choo’, as Lee called her, was an extraordinary woman, with an unusual
李稱她為"Choo"，她是一位非凡的女性，有著與眾不同的

combination of brilliance and sensitivity. She became the indispensable
她集才華與敏銳於一身。她成為不可或缺的

anchor of his life, not only in a day-to-day sense but above all as a
他的生命之錨，不僅在日常意義上，而且首先是作為一個

pervasive emotional and intellectual support throughout his public
在他的整個公共生活中，無所不在的情感和智力支持

activities. At Raffles College, she had majored in literature, reading from
活動在萊佛士學院，她主修文學，閱讀了

‘Jane Austen to JRR Tolkien, from Thucydides’ The Peloponnesian Wars to
從珍-奧斯汀到JRR 托爾金，從修昔底德的《伯羅奔尼撒戰爭》到

Virgil’s Aeneid’, as Lee reflected later.
維吉爾的《埃涅伊德》"，李後來如是說。

[36] After their success at Cambridge,
[36] 他們在劍橋成功後、

they returned to Singapore and co-founded a law firm, Lee & Lee.
他們回到新加坡，共同創辦了Lee & Lee 律師事務所。

Lee’s views during his Cambridge years were firmly socialist and anti-
李在劍橋期間的觀點是堅定的社會主義和反社會主義。

colonialist, even anti-British. Some of this was personal: he was
殖民主義者，甚至是反英人士。這其中有些是個人原因：他

occasionally turned away from hotels in England because of the color of his
在英國，他偶爾會因為自己的膚色而被飯店拒之門外。

skin,[37] but much more of it was to do with what he later called the
皮膚，[37] 但更多的是與他後來所說的

‘ferment in the air’. The independence struggles of India, Burma and other
在空氣中發酵"。印度、緬甸和其他國家的獨立鬥爭

colonies were leading Lee to ask: ‘Why not Malaya, which then included
殖民地的情況導致李問：『為什麼不是馬來亞？

Singapore?’[38] Convinced that ‘the welfare state was the highest form of
新加坡？ '[ 38] 深信"福利國家是38] 的最高形式。

civilised society’, Lee was an admirer of the postwar reforms of Prime
文明的社會"，李顯龍是總理的戰後改革的崇拜者。

Minister Clement Attlee’s Labour government as well as Indian Prime
克萊門特-阿特利部長工黨政府以及印度總理

Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s statist economic policies.[39]
尼赫魯部長的國家主義經濟政策。

Lee first entered the public eye while in Britain, campaigning on behalf
李在鎔第一次進入公眾視野是在英國，當時他代表

of a Labour Party friend who was running for parliament. Standing on the
的一位工黨朋友競選議員。站在

back of a truck in the small town of Totnes in Devon, Lee delivered one of
在德文郡Totnes小鎮的一輛卡車後面，李送走了

his first public speeches, trading on his identity as a British subject to
在他的首次公開演講中，他利用自己的英國臣民身份，以

advocate for Malaya’s self-governance. His arguments foreshadowed his
主張馬來亞自治。他的論點預示著他

later style, more practical than ideological: independence would be most
後來的風格，更注重實際而非意識形態：獨立將是最

successful if achieved cooperatively and incrementally between the
如果能在以下各方之間以合作和漸進的方式取得成功

independence movement and the mother country. Lee closed his speech
獨立運動和祖國。李明博結束了他的演講

with an appeal to British reason and self-interest:
以英國人的理性和自身利益為訴求：

Even if you care nothing for fairness or social justice to the colonial peoples,
即使你根本不在乎殖民地人民的公平社會正義、

then for the sake of your own self-interest, your own economic well-being,
那麼，為了你們自己的利益，為了你們自己的經濟福祉、

for the sake of the dollars you get out of Malaya and your other colonies,
為了美元你從馬來亞和你的其他殖民地脫身，

return a government that has the confidence of these peoples, who will then
讓這些人民信任的政府回歸，然後他們將

gladly cooperate with and be happy to grow up within the British
樂意與英國人合作，並樂意在英國人的環境中成長

Commonwealth and Empire.[40]
英聯邦和帝國[40] 。

BUILDING A STATE
建國

While Lee was studying in England, Singapore was suffering wrenching
當李嘉誠在英國求學時，新加坡正遭受痛苦的煎熬。

postwar disruptions. Well into the spring of 1947, food was rationed and
戰後混亂。一直到1947 年春天，糧食都實行配給制，而且

tuberculosis rampant. The Malayan Communist Party and its trade union
結核病肆虐。馬來亞共產黨及其工會

allies were organizing strikes that further damaged the economy.
盟友們組織的罷工進一步破壞了經濟。

[41]

By the time of Lee’s return to Singapore in August 1950, two major
到1950年8月李顯龍返回新加坡時，有兩個主要

problems lingered: housing and corruption. Only one-third of Singaporeans
問題依然存在：住房和腐敗。只有三分之一的新加坡人

had adequate housing, and construction was not keeping pace with demand.
住房不足，建築跟不上需求。

After stores closed for the day, it was common for employees to sleep on
商店關門歇業後，員工通常會睡在

the floor.
在地板上。

[42] Corruption, untamed under British rule, had been exacerbated
[在英國統治下桀騁不馴的貪腐現象更加嚴重。

by wartime conditions.[43] Inflation eroded the purchasing power of civil
通貨膨脹削弱了公民的購買力。

servants’ salaries, creating greater temptations for graft.[44]
公務員的薪資，為貪污提供了更大的誘惑[44]。

Lee had returned with the intention of practicing law but was quickly
李本來打算回國後從事法律工作，但很快就被解雇了。

drawn into Singapore’s politics. His gifts were immediately rewarded: in
被捲入新加坡政治。他的天賦立即得到了回報：在

1954, at the age of thirty-one, he founded the People’s Action Party (PAP);
1954 年，31 歲的他成立了人民行動黨（PAP）；

within five years, galvanized by Lee’s fearsome energy, it dominated the
五年內，在李的可怕能量的激勵下，它主導了

island’s political landscape. Cyril Northcote Parkinson, the Raffles
島的政治格局。西里爾-諾斯科特-帕金森，萊​​佛士

Professor of History at the University of Malaya in Singapore, described
新加坡馬來亞大學歷史學教授介紹說

Lee’s political positioning during these years as ‘as far to the left as
李在這些年中的政治定位是"最左"。

possible, short of Communism, and further to the left in words than action’.
共產主義之外的可能，而且在語言上比行動上更左'。

[45] With a strong social democratic message, the PAP emphasized the
[人民行動黨發出強烈的社會民主訊息，強調

failure of colonial authorities to provide decent public services and clean,
殖民當局未能提供像樣的公共服務和清潔、

efficient government. PAP candidates campaigned without ties, in white
高效政府。人民行動黨候選人不繫領帶，身著白色服裝參加競選活動

short-sleeved shirts – intended at once as a no-nonsense accommodation to
短袖襯衫--這既是為了迎合

Singapore’s tropical climate and a symbol of their commitment to honest
新加坡的熱帶氣候，也像徵著他們對誠信的承諾。

governance.[46] [*] In May 1959, the city was granted self-government by
[46] [*] 1959 年5 月，該市透過以下法案獲得自治權

London in all matters except foreign policy and defense. After the PAP
除外交政策和國防外，在其他所有事務上都與倫敦保持一致。人民行動黨執政後

secured a parliamentary majority in elections that month, Lee was
在當月的選舉中，李顯龍獲得了議會多數。

appointed prime minister, a position he held until he stepped down in
他被任命為首相，直到他於

November 1990, more than three decades later.
三十多年後的1990 年11 月。

[47]

In the immediate aftermath of self-government, Singapore had three
在自治後不久，新加坡有三個

distinct constitutional arrangements within the space of a few years: as a
在短短幾年內，不同的憲政安排：作為一個

British crown colony from 1959 to 1963, as part of a new confederation
從1959 年到1963 年，作為新邦聯的一部分，成為英國王室殖民地

called Malaysia from 1963 to 1965, and as an independent sovereign state
1963年至1965年被稱為馬來西亞，1965年成為獨立的主權國家

after 1965. It was during this period near the end of colonial rule that the
1965 年之後。正是在殖民統治即將結束的這段時期

foundations of the modern Singaporean state were laid. Lee assembled an
奠定了現代新加坡國家的基礎。李顯龍組了一個

impressive cabinet – including the economist Goh Keng Swee (appointed
令人印象深刻的內閣--包括經濟學家Goh Keng Swee （任命

minister of finance) and the journalist S. Rajaratnam (appointed minister of
財政部長）和記者S. Rajaratnam（被任命為財政部長）。

culture) – who drew up plans to ameliorate the city’s social conditions.[*]
文化）--他們制定了改善城市社會條件的計畫。

The new Housing and Development Board (HDB) soon began
新的住房和發展局（HDB）很快就開始

constructing high-rise residential projects on a massive scale, with the goal
大規模建設高層住宅項目，目標是

of giving all Singaporeans access to affordable housing of essentially the
讓所有新加坡人都能獲得基本符合以下標準的經濟適用房

same type; residents had the right to purchase their apartments from the
同類型的公寓；居民有權從

HDB at established rates. Lee appointed a competent and dynamic
組屋以既定價格出售。李明博任命了一位能幹、充滿活力的

businessman, Lim Kim San, to lead the board; at Lim’s direction, it built
在林金山的領導下，董事會建立了

more housing in three years than the British had in the preceding thirty-two.
英國人在三年內建造的住房比之前32 年建造的還要多。

[48] In time, Singapore grew into a fully urban society of homeowners,
[48] 隨著時間的推移，新加坡逐漸發展成為一個完全由業主組成的城市社會、

providing every family with a stake in Singapore’s future in the form of
為每個家庭提供與新加坡的未來息息相關的利益，其形式是

property.
財產

[49] As Lee pointed out in his memoirs, closely linking individual
[正如李在他的回憶錄中所指出的，將個人與組織緊密聯繫在一起

economic prosperity to the state’s well-being also ‘ensured political
經濟繁榮對國家福祉的影響也"確保了政治和社會穩定"。

stability’, which in turn reinforced economic growth.[50] At the same time,
同時、

a system of racial and income quotas on Singapore’s housing districts first
首先在新加坡的住宅區實施種族和收入配額制度

put a limit on ethnic segregation and then progressively eliminated it. By
對種族隔離加以限制，然後逐步消除。透過

living and working together, Singaporeans from disparate ethnicities and
在共同生活和工作的過程中，來自不同種族和文化的新加坡人

religions began to develop a national consciousness.
宗教開始形成民族意識。

Lee moved just as quickly to eradicate corruption. Within a year of
李鴻章同樣迅速地剷除了腐敗。在

taking office, his government passed the Prevention of Corruption Act,
上任後，他所領導的政府通過了《預防腐敗法》、

which imposed severe penalties for corruption at every level of government
對各級政府的腐敗行為實施嚴厲懲罰

and limited due process for suspected bribe-takers. Under Lee’s leadership,
以及對涉嫌受賄者的正當程序的限制。在李明博的領導下

corruption was swiftly and ruthlessly suppressed.[51] Lee also put all
51]李登輝還將所有的

foreign investments under intense scrutiny, personally performing some of
對外國投資進行嚴格審查，並親自執行其中一些項目

his administration’s uncompromising due diligence. His rigorous
他的政府恪盡職守。他嚴格

enforcement of Singapore’s laws buttressed its reputation as an honest, safe
新加坡法律的執行鞏固了其作為一個誠實、安全和有信譽的國家的聲譽。

place to do business.
做生意的地方。

To achieve his objectives, Lee relied on penalizing civil servants for
為了實現其目標，李明博依靠懲罰公務員的方式來達到目的。

failure rather than encouraging them by raising their salaries; in fact, his
而不是透過提高他們的薪水來鼓勵他們。

government initially slashed them.[52] Only in 1984, when Singapore had
[52]只是到了1984 年，新加坡政府才開始削減這些費用。

become wealthier, did Lee adopt his signature policy of pegging civil
李承晚是否採取了他的標誌性政策--與民間社會掛鉤？

servants’ salaries at 80 percent of comparable private-sector rates.[53] As a
[53]因此，在美國，公務員的薪資是可比私部門薪資的80%。

result, government officials in Singapore became some of the best
因此，新加坡的政府官員成為最優秀的

compensated in the world. Success against corruption remains the ‘moral
在世界範圍內得到補償。成功打擊貪腐仍然是"道德

basis of [PAP] rule’, as a prominent Singaporean academic has observed.
人民行動黨]統治的基礎"，一位著名的新加坡學者如是說。

[54]

Corruption in Singapore is understood not only as a moral failing of the
在新加坡，腐敗不僅被理解為一種道德失範，也被理解為社會問題。

individuals involved but also as a transgression against the ethical code of
這不僅是對有關個人的不尊重，也是對《世界人權宣言》道德準則的踐踏。

the community – which emphasizes meritocratic excellence, fair play and
社會--強調任人唯賢、公平競爭和

honorable conduct.[55] Singapore has regularly been ranked as one of the
[55]新加坡經常被評為以下國家之一

least corrupt countries in the world, fulfilling Lee’s goals for his country.
世界上最不腐敗的國家，實現了李小龍為他的國家設定的目標。

[56]

[*] As Lee observed later: ‘You want men with good character, good mind,
[*] 正如李後來所說："你需要的是品格高尚、心智健全的人、

strong convictions. Without that Singapore won’t make it.’[57]
堅定的信念。 '[ 57]沒有這些，新加坡就不會成功。

Reducing corruption made it possible to invest in government programs
減少腐敗使得對政府計畫的投資成為可能

that ensured substantial improvement in Singaporeans’ lives and provided a
確保新加坡人的生活得到實質改善，並提供了一個

fair playing field based on equality of opportunity. Between 1960 and 1963,
以機會平等為基礎的公平競爭環境。 1960 年至1963 年

Singapore’s educational expenditure rose nearly seventeen-fold, while the
新加坡的教育經費增加了近17 倍，而美國的教育經費則增加了近20 倍。

school population increased by 50 percent.[58] In the PAP’s first nine years
在人民行動黨執政的頭九年裡，學校人口增加了50%。

in power, Lee set aside nearly one-third of Singapore’s budget for
在執政期間，李顯龍將近三分之一的新加坡預算用於以下方面

education – an astonishing proportion in relation to neighboring countries,
與鄰國相比，這一比例令人吃驚、

or indeed any country in the world.[59]
或世界上任何一個國家。

Emphasis on the quality of life turned into a defining aspect of
對生活品質的重視已成為《世界人權宣言》的決定性面向。

Singapore’s style. Beginning with a 1960 X-ray campaign against
新加坡的風格。從1960 年的一次X 光宣傳活動開始，新加坡就開始了反對...

tuberculosis, Singapore made public health a major priority.
在結核病方面，新加坡將公共衛生作為主要優先事項。

[60] As George
[60] 正如喬治

Shultz and Vidar Jorgensen have observed, ‘The city-state spends only 5
舒爾茨和維達-約根森指出，"城邦只花費 5

percent of GDP on medical care but has considerably better health
醫療保健費用佔國內生產毛額的百分比，但衛生狀況卻好得多

outcomes than the U.S., which spends 18 percent of GDP on health. Life
美國的醫療衛生支出佔國內生產毛額的18%，而中國的醫療衛生支出佔國內生產毛額的20%。生活

expectancy in Singapore is 85.2 years, compared with 78.7 in the U.S.’[61]
新加坡的預期壽命為85.2歲，而美國為78.7歲'[ 61]

Within one generation, Singapore transformed itself from a disease-ridden
在一代人的時間裡，新加坡從一個疾病肆虐的

slum into a first-world metropolis – all the while steadily shrinking the
貧民窟變成第一世界大都市--同時穩定縮小

government’s share of costs.[62]
政府分擔的費用。

To orchestrate this revolution in governance, Lee established a network
為了策劃這場治理革命，李開復建立了一個網絡

of what he called ‘parapolitical institutions’ to serve as a transmission belt
他所謂的"準政治機構"充當傳輸帶。

between the state and its citizens. Community centers, citizens’ consultative
國家與公民之間的關係。社區中心、公民諮詢

committees, residents’ committees and, later, town councils provided
委員會、居民委員會以及後來的鎮議會提供了

recreation, settled small grievances, offered such services as kindergartens
娛樂，解決小的不滿，提供幼兒園等服務

and disseminated information about government policies.[63] The PAP
並傳播有關政府政策的訊息。

played an important role in these institutions, blurring the boundaries
在這些機構中發揮了重要作用，模糊了界限

between party, state and people.[64] For example, Lee established almost
64]例如，李登輝在黨和國家與人民之間建立了幾乎

400 kindergartens that were exclusively staffed by PAP members.[65]
400 所幼兒園完全由人民行動黨成員擔任工作人員[65] 。

Through a combination of public service and what Lee described as
透過將公共服務與李所說的

skilled political ‘street fighting’, the PAP steadily entrenched itself
人民行動黨透過熟練的政治"巷戰"不斷鞏固自己的地位

following the 1959 elections and then again around the 1963 elections.[66]
1959 年大選後，1963 年大選前後再次出現。

By 1968, Lee had largely crushed his competitors; the opposition boycotted
到了1968 年，李登輝已基本擊垮他的競爭對手；反對派抵制他的競選活動。

those elections, and the PAP won nearly 87 percent of the vote and all fifty-
在這些選舉中，人民行動黨贏得了近87% 的選票，贏得了全部50 個州的選舉。

eight legislative seats. After that, the PAP maintained itself largely
八個立法席位。此後，人民行動黨在很大程度上

unchallenged. One source of its continuing strength was Singapore’s first-
沒有受到挑戰。其持續實力的來源之一是新加坡首先--

past-the-post electoral system, a British legacy which makes no provisions
英國遺留下來的"得票最多者當選"選舉制度沒有規定

for minority votes. Another was that Lee used the legal system to isolate his
少數人的選票。另一個原因是，李利用法律制度來孤立他的

political opponents and curtail unfriendly media outlets.[67] He described
67] 他描述道

his struggles with opposition figures as ‘unarmed combat with no holds
他與反對派人士的鬥爭是"徒手搏鬥，沒有禁錮"。

barred, in a contest where the winner took all’.[68]
在一場勝者為王的比賽中，'被禁止'[68]。

Lee was passionately concerned about public order. When he first came
李熱衷於關注公共秩序。當他第一次來到

to power, the counterculture and general relaxation of morals had not yet
當權時，反主流文化和普遍的道德鬆弛還沒有出現。

arisen in the West, but later Lee would reflect on this as freedom run amok.
但後來李會認為這是自由在作怪。

‘As a total system, I find parts of it totally unacceptable’, he told Fareed
他對法里德說："作為一個完整的系統，我認為其中的某些部分是完全不可接受的。

Zakaria in 1994:
扎卡里亞，1994 年：

The expansion of the right of the individual to behave or misbehave as he
擴大個人行為或不當行為的權利

pleases has come at the expense of orderly society. In the East the main object
在東方，社會秩序是以犧牲社會秩序為代價的。在東方，主要目標是

is to have a well-ordered society so that everybody can have maximum
就是要建立一個秩序井然的社會，讓每個人都能最大限度地

enjoyment of his freedoms. This freedom can only exist in an ordered state
享受他的自由。這種自由只能存在於有秩序的狀態中

and not in a natural state of contention and anarchy.
而不是處於自然的爭鬥和無政府狀態。

[69]

As Lee was building Singapore, he did not believe a city-state could
李顯龍在建設新加坡時，不認為一個城邦可以

stand on its own. His major effort was therefore to safeguard Singapore’s
自力更生。因此，他的主要工作是維護新加坡的

impending independence from Britain by joining in federation with Malaya.
透過與馬來亞結成聯邦的方式從英國獨立出來。

Believing that ‘geography, economics, and ties of kinship’ created the basis
認為"地理、經濟和親屬關係"奠定了基礎

for a natural unity between the two territories, Lee called a snap referendum
為實現兩地的自然統一，李明博呼籲舉行公投

on the merger for September 1962.[70] To rally the Singaporean populace,
1962 年9 月合併、

he made a series of thirty-six radio broadcasts in the course of a single
他在一次廣播中進行了三十六次系列廣播

month: twelve scripts, each recorded in three languages – Mandarin, Malay
月：十二種文字，每種文字記錄三種語言- 華語、馬來語

and English.[71] His oratorical talents produced an overwhelming
他的演說才能產生了壓倒性的影響。

endorsement of his plan in the popular vote. A year later, on September 16,
他的計劃在民眾投票中獲得支持。一年後的9 月16 日

1963 – Lee’s fortieth birthday – Singapore and Malaya combined in the
1963 年--李顯龍40 歲生日--新加坡和馬來亞合併為新加坡共和國。

Malaysian Federation.
馬來西亞聯邦。

The union was immediately challenged from within and without.
工會立即受到了來自內部和外部的挑戰。

Covetous of the augmented Malaysia’s potential, dreaming of uniting the
覬覦擴增後的馬來西亞的潛力，夢想著將馬來西亞聯合起來

Malay peoples in a single country and enjoying the support of both Moscow
馬來民族在單一的國家，並得到莫斯科和馬來亞雙方的支持

and Beijing, Indonesian President Sukarno launched the Konfrontasi – an
和北京，印尼總統蘇加諾發起了Konfrontasi - 一個

undeclared war involving jungle combat and terrorism that left hundreds
這場不宣而戰的戰爭涉及叢林作戰和恐怖主義，造成數百人喪生。

dead on both sides. For Singapore, the most dramatic event of the conflict
雙方均有人員死亡。對新加坡來說，衝突中最引人注目的事件是

was the bombing on March 10, 1965 of MacDonald House – the first air-
1965年3月10日，麥克唐納大樓被炸毀--這是第一次空襲。

conditioned office building in Southeast Asia – by Indonesian marines,
東南亞的空調辦公大樓--由印尼海軍陸戰隊建造、

which killed three people and injured more than thirty.
造成三人死亡，三十多人受傷。

Within Malaysia, many Malay politicians distrusted Lee, despite the
在馬來西亞國內，許多馬來政治人物都不信任李顯龍，儘管

PAP’s efforts to reduce communal tensions in Singapore and promote
人民行動黨努力緩和新加坡的族群緊張局勢並促進

Malay as the national language.[72] They feared that his dynamic
72]他們擔心馬來語的活力會影響他們的國家語言。

personality and evident political gifts would outshine their own, leading to
他們的個性和明顯的政治天賦將勝過自己，從而導致

ethnic Chinese dominance of the new federation.
華裔在新聯邦中占主導地位。

Malay leaders opposed to Lee stoked violent ethnic riots in Singapore,
反對李顯龍的馬來領袖煽動了新加坡的種族暴力暴動、

first in July and then again in September 1964, resulting in dozens killed
先是在1964年7月，然後在9月，造成數十人死亡

and hundreds injured. The ostensible trigger for the riots was the demolition
數百人受傷。騷亂的導火線表面上是拆毀了

of Malay villages (kampongs) to make way for public housing, but there
馬來人的村莊（甘榜），以便為公共住宅讓路。

was clearly opportunism by ethnic chauvinists and communists at work as
這顯然是種族沙文主義者和共產黨人的機會主義在作祟，因為

well.[73]
很好。

As a result, less than two years after they had been joined, Singapore and
結果，在加入後不到兩年的時間裡，新加坡和

Malaysia separated again, ripped apart by intense partisanship and ethnic
馬來西亞再次分離，被激烈的黨派紛爭和種族偏見撕裂

tensions. Singapore’s independence came about in August 1965 not as a
緊張局勢。新加坡於1965 年8 月獨立，但這並不是因為它是一個獨立國家。

result of a homegrown liberation struggle but due to Malaysia’s
是本土解放鬥爭的結果，但由於馬來西亞

unceremonious decision to cut its tiny southern neighbor loose.
毫不客氣地決定與其南部小鄰國斷絕關係。

Expulsion left the island country entirely on its own, an outcome that
驅逐使這個島國完全自力更生，這種結果是

Lee had neither expected nor sought. Announcing the failure of the merger
李既沒有料到，也沒有尋求。宣布合併失敗

brought him to the edge of tears. ‘Every time we look back on this
讓他瀕臨落淚。每當我們回首往事

moment . . . it will be a moment of anguish,’ he said at a press conference in
這將是一個痛苦的時刻。 ……這將是痛苦的時刻。

which he uncharacteristically struggled to keep his composure, nearly
他一反常態，努力保持鎮定，幾乎

overwhelmed by the enormous task now before him. In his memoirs, Lee
他被眼前的艱鉅任務壓得喘不過氣來。在他的回憶錄中，李

wrote that Singapore had become ‘a heart without a body’ as a result of the
他寫道："新加坡已經成為'沒有軀體的心臟'。

separation. ‘We were a Chinese island in a Malay sea,’ he continued. ‘How
分離。他接著說：「我們是馬來西亞海洋中的一個中國島嶼。如何

could we survive in such a hostile environment?’[74] It was the memory of
我們能在如此惡劣的環境中生存嗎？ '[ 74] 這是的記憶。

this nadir which, for the rest of his life, gave Lee the sense that his country
在他的餘生中，這個低谷讓李感到，他的國家

needed to overachieve because it was walking a perpetual tightrope
需要超額完成任務，因為它永遠在走鋼絲

between survival and catastrophe.
生存與災難之間。

BUILDING A NATION
建國

Writing in 1970, five years after Singapore’s independence, the historian
1970 年，在新加坡獨立五年後，歷史學家寫道

Arnold Toynbee predicted that the city-state in general had ‘become too
阿諾德-湯因比（Arnold Toynbee）預言，城邦總體上"變得過於

small a political unit to be practicable any longer’, and that Singapore in
新加坡是一個小的政治單位，不再可行"。

particular was unlikely to last as a sovereign state.[75] Much as Lee
特別是作為一個主權國家不太可能持久。

respected Toynbee, he did not share the scholar’s fatalism.[76] His response
他尊重湯因比，但不認同這位學者的宿命論。

to Toynbee’s challenge was to create a new nation out of the disparate
面對湯因比的挑戰，我們要從分散的

peoples that the tides of history had deposited on the shores of Singapore.
歷史的浪潮在新加坡海岸沉澱下來的人民。

Only what Lee deemed ‘a tightly knit, rugged, and adaptable
只有被李認為是"緊密團結、堅固耐用、適應性強的

people’[77] – a people united by national feeling – could endure the
人民'[ 77] - 一個因民族感情而團結的人民- 可以忍受77] 。

manifold tests of independence and guard against his two daunting
獨立的多重考驗，並防範他的兩個令人生畏的問題

nightmares: internal disorder and foreign aggression. His challenge was not
惡夢：內部混亂與外國侵略。他面臨的挑戰不是

primarily a technocratic task. Sacrifices might be imposed by force, but
這主要是一項技術官僚任務。犧牲可能是用武力強加的，但

they could be sustained only by a sense of common belonging and shared
只有共同的歸屬感和共同的

destiny.
命運

‘We didn’t have the ingredients of a nation, the elementary factors,’ Lee
我們不具備國家的要素、基本因素， '李

later reflected: ‘a homogeneous population, common language, common
後來又反映出："同質的人口、共同的語言、共同的

culture and common destiny.’[78] To will the Singaporean nation into being,
文化和共同命運。 '[ 78] 將新加坡國家建立起來， 78] 將新加坡國家建立起來， 78] 將新加坡國家建立起來。

he acted as if it already existed and reinforced it with public policy. At the
他的所作所為就好像它已經存在，並透過公共政策予以強化。在

end of the press conference on August 9, 1965, announcing independence,
1965 年8 月9 日宣布獨立的記者會結束、

Lee laid out an elevated mission for his people:
李為他的人民制定了更高的使命：

There is nothing to be worried about . . . Many things will go on just as usual.
沒有什麼好擔心的。很多事情都會照常進行。

But be firm, be calm.
但要堅定、冷靜。

We are going to have a multi-racial nation in Singapore. We will set the
我們將在新加坡建立一個多種族的國家。我們將設定

example. This is not a Malay nation; this is not a Chinese nation; this is not an
例如這不是一個馬來民族；這不是一個華人民族；這不是一個

Indian nation. Everybody will have his place . . .
印度民族。每個人都有自己的位置.

And finally, let us, really Singaporeans – I cannot call myself a Malaysian
最後，讓我們，真正的新加坡人--我不能說自己是馬來西亞人

now – . . . unite, regardless of race, language, religion, culture.[79]
現在--......團結起來，不分種族、語言、宗教和文化。

Lee’s immediate concern was to build a military capable of deterring
李的當務之急是建立一支能夠威懾美國的軍隊。

further Indonesian aggression.[80] Separation from Malaysia had left
印尼的進一步侵略。

Singapore without a single loyal regiment of its own, and it had no leaders
新加坡沒有自己的忠誠軍團，也沒有領導人

who knew how to build a military from scratch; the able Goh Keng Swee
他知道如何從零開始建立一支軍隊；能幹的吳敬Swee,

now minister of defense, had been only a corporal in the Singapore
他現在是國防部長，在新加坡軍隊中只是一名下士。

Volunteer Corps at the British surrender to the Japanese in 1942.[81] (When
1942年英國向日軍投降時，志願軍被俘。

Lee rode to the opening of the first Singaporean parliament in December
12 月，李顯龍騎馬出席新加坡第一屆國會開幕式

1965, Malaysian troops had ‘escorted’ him from his office to the session.)
1965年，馬來西亞軍隊將他從辦公室"護送"到會議現場）。

[82] Compounding the challenge, the island’s Chinese majority did not have
[使這項挑戰更加嚴峻的是，島上佔多數的華人並沒有

a tradition of soldiering – a profession that in Singapore had been
軍人的傳統--在新加坡，這種職業一直是

historically dominated by ethnic Malays – potentially turning defense into a
在歷史上，馬來人一直占主導地位--這有可能將國防變成一個

racial powder keg.
種族火藥桶

Immediately after independence, Lee appealed to President Gamal Abdel
獨立後，李顯龍立即向賈邁勒-阿卜杜勒-阿齊茲總統發出呼籲。

Nasser of Egypt and Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri of India to send
埃及的納賽爾和印度的拉爾-巴哈杜爾-沙斯特里總理派

military trainers. Reluctant to antagonize Indonesia and Malaysia, both
軍事教官。印尼和馬來西亞都不願與中國為敵。

declined the request. In response, Lee made the audacious decision to
拒絕了這項請求。作為回應，李做出了一個大膽的決定

accept an offer of assistance from Israel, despite the backlash this risked
接受以色列的援助提議，儘管這有可能引起反彈

among the significant Muslim population in Singapore and the region. To
新加坡及本地區穆斯林人口眾多。對

head off that threat, Lee simply decided not to announce the Israelis’
為了避免這種威脅，李明博乾脆決定不宣布以色列人對他的威脅。

presence. To anyone who asked, Singapore’s new military advisors would
存在。如果有人問起，新加坡的新軍事顧問會說

instead be described as ‘Mexicans’.[83]
而非被描述為"墨西哥人"[83] 。

It proved to be an inspired combination, as Singapore’s security
事實證明，這是一個富有靈感的組合，因為新加坡的安全

dilemmas roughly mirrored those of Israel. Both were resource-poor
以色列的窘境與以色列大致相同。兩國都是資源貧乏的國家

countries without strategic depth, surrounded by bigger countries with
沒有戰略縱深的國家，周圍都是戰略縱深的大國。

revanchist temptations. Lee adopted the Israeli practice of a small but
謾罵的誘惑。李採取了以色列的做法，即由一個人數不多但

highly professional standing army, backed by a whole-of-society reserve
以全社會後備軍為後盾的高度職業化的常備軍

capable of rapid mobilization. All young male Singaporeans, regardless of
能夠快速動員。所有年輕男性新加坡人，無論

background, had to perform a period of military service and then regularly
背景，必須服一段時間的兵役，然後定期

conduct in-camp training as reservists. Lee saw ‘political and social
作為預備役軍人在營地內進行訓練。李認為"政治和社會

benefits’ in national service, as contributing to a feeling of national unity
為國家服務的好處有助於民族團結的感覺

and social equality across ethnic divides.[84]
以及跨越種族鴻溝的社會平等。

In 1966, Indonesia extended diplomatic recognition to Singapore, which
1966 年，印尼向新加坡提供了外交承認，新加坡

had proven resilient against the Konfrontasi.[85] By 1971, Singapore had
已被證明對人民陣線頑強抵抗[85]。

built up seventeen national service battalions and an additional fourteen
建立了十七個國民兵役營和另外十四營

reserve battalions. Despite enormous budget pressure, Lee found funding
後備營。儘管面臨巨大的預算壓力，李明博還是找到了資金

for the rapid acquisition of air and naval forces required for credible
以迅速獲得可靠的空中和海上力量。

deterrence against Singapore’s neighbors. He would go on to emphasize the
對新加坡鄰國的威懾。他接著強調

latest technology and rigorous training as ‘force multipliers’ to compensate
將最新技術和嚴格訓練作為"戰鬥力倍增器"，以彌補

for the island’s limited space and manpower. Within a generation,
島有限的空間和人力。在一代人的時間裡

Singapore’s armed forces emerged as the most capable in Southeast Asia –
新加坡武裝部隊成為東南亞最精銳的部隊--這是由新加坡政府提供的。

a source of national pride and unity as well as foreign admiration, including
是民族自豪感和團結的源泉，也是外國欽佩的源泉，包括

by the United States Department of Defense.
由美國國防部負責。

Unlike many other post-colonial leaders, Lee did not seek to strengthen
與許多其他後殖民時期的領導人不同，李顯龍並沒有尋求加強

his position by pitting the country’s diverse communities against each other.
他的立場是將國家的不同社區對立起來。

To the contrary, he relied on Singapore’s ability to foster a sense of national
相反，他認為新加坡有能力培養一種民族意識，即"國家"意識。

unity out of its conflicting ethnic groups. Despite the intense inter-ethnic
團結。儘管民族間衝突激烈

violence that preceded independence, he defied the centrifugal forces
在獨立前的暴力事件中，他不畏離心力

intrinsic in Singapore’s composition and developed a cohesive national
新加坡的內在組成，並發展出一個具有凝聚力的國家。

identity. As he put it in 1967:
身份。正如他在1967 年所說的那樣

It is only when you offer a man – without distinctions based on ethnic,
只有當你提供一個男人時--不分種族、

cultural, linguistic, and other differences – a chance of belonging to this great
文化、語言和其他方面的差異--有機會屬於這個偉大的

human community, that you offer him a peaceful way forward to progress and
人類社會，你們為他提供了一條和平前進的道路，使他能夠取得進步和

to a higher level of human life.[86]
人類生活的更高層次[86]。

Lee’s approach was neither to repress Singapore’s diversity nor to discount
李顯龍的做法既不是要壓制新加坡的多元性，也不是要貶低

it, but to channel and manage it. Any other course, he affirmed, would make
而是引導和管理它。他申明，任何其他做法都會使

governance impossible.[87]
治理是不可能的。

Lee’s most innovative initiative was his language policy. How to govern
李世民最具創新性的舉措是他的語言政策。如何治理

a city-state where 75 percent of the population spoke various Chinese
一個75% 的人口講各種漢語的城邦

dialects, 14 percent spoke Malay, and 8 percent spoke Tamil? After the
方言，14%講馬來語，8%講泰米爾語？在

failure of the merger with Malaysia, Lee no longer favored making Malay
在與馬來西亞合併失敗後，李顯龍不再贊成讓馬來人

the national language. Making Mandarin the official language, however,
國語。然而，將國語作為官方語言、

was ‘out of the question’, in Lee’s view, as ‘the 25 per cent of the
在李看來，"這是不可能的"，因為"25%的

population who were not Chinese would revolt’.[88] English had long been
不是中國人的人口會造反'。

the working language of government, but few Singaporeans spoke it as their
政府的工作語言，但很少新加坡人將其作為他們的工作語言。

mother tongue, as Lee did.[89] [*] His solution was a policy of bilingual
[89] [*] 他的解決方法是實行雙語政策。

education – requiring English-language schools to teach Mandarin, Malay
教育--要求英語學校教授國語、馬來語和馬來語

and Tamil while mandating English classes in all other schools. Singapore’s
而在所有其他學校，英語課都是強制性的。新加坡的

constitution enshrined four official languages: Malay, Mandarin, Tamil and
憲法規定了四種官方語言：馬來語、華語、泰米爾語和

English.[90] As Lee said in 1994:
[90] 正如李在1994 年所說：

If I had tried to foist the English language on the people of Singapore I would
如果我試圖把英語強加給新加坡人民，我會

have faced rebellion all around . . . But I offered every parent a choice of
我曾面對過周遭的叛逆......。但我為每位家長提供了以下選擇

English and their mother tongue, in whatever order they chose. By their free
英語和母語，順序由他們自己選擇。透過他們的自由

choice, plus the rewards of the marketplace over a period of 30 years, we
選擇，再加上30 年來的市場回報，我們

have ended up with English first and the mother tongue second. We have
結果是英語第一，母語第二。我們

switched one university already established in the Chinese language from
將一所已建立的中文大學從

Chinese into English. Had this change been forced in five or ten years instead
中文變成英文。如果這項變更是在五年或十年內被迫進行的，而不是

of being done over 30 years – and by free choice – it would have been a
在自由選擇的情況下，在30 多年的時間裡完成，這將是一個

disaster.
災難。

[91]

Being an English-speaking country provided an economic benefit as
作為一個講英語的國家，它帶來的經濟利益包括

well. In the 1960s, Singapore stood out from rival developing economies by
很好。 20 世紀60 年代，新加坡透過以下方式從競爭對手的發展中經濟體中脫穎而出

its distinct Anglophilic orientation. Lee’s decision to retain the statue of
其獨特的親英傾向。李的決定保留了

Raffles preserved a non-sectarian figure from Singapore’s past as a unifying
萊佛士保留了新加坡過去的一個非宗派人物，作為一個統一的

national symbol.[92] It also signaled to the world that Singapore was open
這也向世界表明，新加坡是開放的。

for business and not in the business of recriminations.[93]
是為了生意，而不是為了互相指責[93]。

‘LET HISTORY JUDGE’
讓歷史來評判

The rupture with Malaysia obliged Lee to reorient his initially socialist
與馬來西亞的決裂迫使李顯龍重新定位其最初的社會主義道路。

approach toward pragmatic essentials. For Singapore to survive as a state,
務實的本質。新加坡要想作為一個國家生存下去

its economy had to grow. For it to succeed as a nation, the fruits of that
其經濟必須成長。作為一個國家，要想取得成功，經濟成長的成果就必須

growth had to be shared equitably among its people, regardless of ethnic
成長必須由人民公平分享，而不論其種族、膚色、語言、宗教和文化背景。

origin. And for it to persist as an international presence, it had to build
起源。為了在國際上繼續存在，它必須建立

influence among the major powers – especially the US and China.
在大國（尤其是美國和中國）中的影響力。

‘There are books to teach you how to build a house, how to repair
'有書教你如何蓋房，如何修理

engines, how to write a book’, Lee would recall many years later:
發動機，如何寫書"，李多年後回憶：

But I have not seen a book on how to build a nation out of a disparate
但是，我還沒有看到一本關於如何從分散的

collection of immigrants from China, British India, the Dutch East Indies, or
這些移民來自中國、英屬印度、荷屬東印度群島，或

how to make a living for its people when its former economic role as the
當它在經濟上扮演著"世界上最重要的國家"的角色時，如何讓人民過上好日子？

entrepôt of the region is becoming defunct.[94]
[94]。

Lee’s experiences in the Second World War, in the contest for political
李將軍在第二次世界大戰中的經歷，在政治競爭中的經歷，以及

power in Singapore and in the separation from Malaysia had given him
他在新加坡的權力以及從馬來西亞分離出來的權力讓他

convictions about the proper governance of states that no formal course of
對正確治理國家的信念，而沒有任何正式的

instruction could have offered. His travels and conversations with foreign
教學所能提供的。他的旅行和與外國

leaders were consequential; by 1965, he had visited more than fifty
1965年，他訪問了五十多個國家的領導人。

countries and developed strong views about the reasons for their varying
並對各國情況不同的原因形成了強烈的看法。

performance.[95] ‘A nation is great not by its size alone,’ he said in 1963. ‘It
95] 1963 年，他說：「一個國家是否偉大，並不僅僅取決於它的規模。它

is the will, the cohesion, the stamina, the discipline of its people and the
是其人民的意志、凝聚力、耐力和紀律，以及

quality of their leaders which ensures it an honorable place in history.’[96]
其領導人的素質確保了它在歷史上的光榮地位。 '[ 96]

This is why Lee adopted ‘Let history judge’ as his operating maxim. He
這就是為什麼李小龍將"讓歷史來評判"作為他的行動格言。他

rejected communism because it meant dismantling existing institutions that
他們拒絕共產主義，因為這意味著要拆除現有的機構，而這些機構是

were working. Similarly, his preference for market economics was derived
在工作。同樣，他對市場經濟的偏好也來自於

from the observation that it produced higher growth rates.[97] When, at a
[97]，當一個人的生長速度達到一定程度時，他的生長速度就會增加，而當他的生長速度達到一定程度時，他的生長速度就會減慢。

dinner years later in my home, an American guest complimented him on
多年後在我家晚餐時，一位美國客人稱讚他

including feminist principles in the development of Singapore, Lee
在新加坡的發展中納入女性主義原則，李

disagreed. He had brought women into the labor force for practical reasons,
他不同意。他讓婦女加入勞動大軍是出於實際考慮、

he said. Singapore would not have been able to achieve its development
他說。新加坡不可能實現其發展。

goals without them. The same, he added, was true with respect to his
沒有他們，就無法達成目標。他補充說，他的

immigration policy, which sought to convince talented foreigners to settle in
移民政策，旨在說服有才能的外國人定居

Singapore. The purpose was not a theoretical notion of the benefits of
新加坡。其目的並不是從理論上說明"新加坡"的好處。

multiculturalism but the requirements of Singapore’s growth and its
多元文化主義，但新加坡的發展要求及其

otherwise stubborn demographics.
否則頑固的人口統計。

Lee’s thinking shows a strong utilitarian streak, as he demonstrated in his
李的思想表現出強烈的功利主義傾向，正如他在其

1981 May Day address:
1981 年"五一"節講話：

Every rational government wants the maximum well-being and progress for
每一個理性的政府都希望能最大限度地提高人民的福祉和進步

the largest numbers of their citizens. To bring this about, the systems or
其公民人數最多。為了實現這一目標，這些制度或

methods, and the principles or ideologies on which their policies are based,
方法，以及其政策所依據的原則或意識形態、

differ. Since the industrial revolution, two centuries ago, a kind of Darwinism
不同。自兩個世紀前的工業革命以來，一種達爾文主義

between systems of government is at work. It is sorting out which
政府系統之間的關係正在改變。它正在理清

ideological–religious–political–social–economic–military system will prevail
意識形態-宗教-政治-社會-經濟-軍事體系將佔上風

because of its efficacy in providing the maximum good to the maximum
因為它能有效地為最多的人提供最大的好處

numbers of a nation.[98]
[98]。

BUILDING AN ECONOMY
建設經濟

One of the first major tests of Singapore’s adaptability came in January
對新加坡適應能力的第一次重大考驗出現在1 月

1968, when Britain, rattled by the devaluation of the pound and sapped by
1968 年，英國受到英鎊貶值的衝擊，並被以下因素耗盡

conflicts in the Middle East, decided to abandon its military presence east
在中東衝突的影響下，美國決定放棄在中東東部的軍事存在。

of Suez. In the House of Commons debate the previous year, Prime
蘇伊士運河。在上一年度的下議院辯論中，英國首相

Minister Harold Wilson had quoted Rudyard Kipling’s ‘Recessional’ in a
哈羅德-威爾遜部長在演講中引用了魯德亞德-吉卜林（Rudyard Kipling）的《回憶錄》。

vain attempt to defend the existence of the British base in Singapore; now it
妄圖捍衛英國在新加坡基地的存在；現在它

read as a prophecy of Britain’s imperial decline:
被解讀為英國帝國衰落的預言：

Far-called, our navies melt away;
在遠方，我們的海軍正在消融；

On dune and headland sinks the fire:
篝火在沙丘和岬角上燃燒：

Lo, all our pomp of yesterday
我們昨日的盛況

Is one with Nineveh and Tyre![99]
與尼尼微和提爾是一體的！ [99]

The closure of the naval base and departure of British troops, planned for
海軍基地的關閉和英國軍隊的撤離，計劃於

1971, threatened to result in the loss of one-fifth of Singapore’s gross
在1971 年，新加坡有可能損失五分之一的國民生產毛額。

national product.[100]
國民生產毛額。

Seeking outside advice, Lee turned to Dr Albert Winsemius, a Dutch
為了尋求外界的建議，李開復向荷蘭溫塞米烏斯博士求助。

economist who had first visited Singapore in 1960 at Goh Keng Swee’s
經濟學家，1960 年在Goh Keng Swee's首次訪問新加坡。

invitation as part of a UN Development Program mission.[101] Compared
101]相較之下

with Western countries, Singapore was poor. But in the 1960s, its wages
與西方國家相比，新加坡是貧窮的。但在20 世紀60 年代，其薪資

were the highest in Asia.[102] Winsemius advised that, for Singapore to
是亞洲最高的。 [102]溫塞米烏斯建議，新加坡要

industrialize, it needed to depress wages and make manufacturing more
要實現工業化，就必須壓低工資，使製造業更加

efficient by embracing technology and training workers. He proposed
透過採用技術和培訓工人來提高效率。他建議

prioritizing textile manufacturing, followed by simple electronics and ship
優先考慮紡織品製造，其次是簡單的電子產品和船舶

repair, a stepping stone to shipbuilding. Lee and Goh (finance minister
維修，是造船業的墊腳石。李在鎔和吳作棟（財政部長

again from 1967 to 1970) followed his advice.[103] With the British on their
1967年至1970年又一次）聽從了他的建議。

way out, Winsemius warned that Singapore could neither aspire to total
出路，溫塞米烏斯警告說，新加坡既不能渴望實現全面

self-reliance nor depend on regional ties. Unable to count on a common
既不能自力更生，也不能依賴地區關係。無法依靠共同的

market with Malaysia, as it had from 1963 to 1965, it would have to operate
在1963年至1965年期間，它與馬來西亞的市場，它將不得不經營

in a wider sphere.
在更廣泛的領域。

Over the following years, Lee, Goh and Winsemius worked in tandem to
在接下來的幾年裡，李、吳和溫塞米斯齊心協力，

recalibrate the Singaporean economy. While other leaders of newly
重新調整新加坡經濟。雖然其他新

independent countries rejected multinational corporations, Lee recruited
獨立國家拒絕跨國公司、李招募

them. Asked later whether such foreign investment constituted ‘capitalist
他們。後來被問及這種外國投資是否構成"資本主義

exploitation’, Lee retorted unsentimentally: ‘All we had was labor . . . So
李毫不留情地反駁：「我們只有勞動力......。所以

why not, if they want to exploit our labor? They’re welcome to it.’[104] To
如果他們想剝削我們的勞動力，為什麼不呢？ '[ 104] 敬。

attract foreign investment, Singapore embarked on a project to raise the
為了吸引外國投資，新加坡開始了一個提高

quality of its workforce while giving itself the appearance and the facilities
在提高員工素質的同時，使自己擁有良好的外觀和設施

of a first-class city. As Lee remarked to me in 1978: ‘Others will not invest
一流城市。正如李嘉誠在1978 年對我說的那樣：'其他人不會在這裡投資。

in a losing cause, it must look to be a winning cause.’[105]
在一個失敗的事業中，它必須看起來是一個勝利的事業。 '[ 105]

Greening the city became a high priority: reducing air pollution, planting
綠化城市成為當務之急：減少空氣污染、種植植物

trees and designing infrastructure to incorporate natural light. Lee also saw
樹木，並設計基礎設施，將自然光融入其中。李還看到

to it that high-quality services were provided to visiting tourists and
確保為來訪遊客提供高品質的服務，以及

investors. The government mounted public-enlightenment campaigns
投資者政府進行公眾教育活動

promoting appropriate dress, comportment and hygiene. Singaporeans (or
提倡適當的服裝、舉止和衛生。新加坡人（或

foreigners, for that matter) could be fined for jaywalking, neglecting to
外國人）可能會因為亂穿馬路、不遵守交通規則而被罰款。

flush a toilet or littering. Lee even requested a weekly report on the
沖廁所或亂丟垃圾。李甚至要求每週報告

cleanliness of the restrooms at Changi Airport – which, for many travelers,
樟宜機場廁所的清潔度--這對許多旅客來說是個問題、

would provide a first impression of Singapore.[106]
會給人新加坡的第一印象。

The strategy worked. Decades afterward, Lee would recount that once he
這一策略奏效了。數十年後，李世民回憶說，有一次他

was able to convince Hewlett-Packard to set up a Singapore office, which
他說服惠普公司在新加坡設立了辦事處，該辦事處

opened in April 1970, other international businesses followed.[107] [*]
[107][*]。

By 1971, Singapore’s economy was growing at more than 8 percent per
到1971 年，新加坡的經濟年增率超過8%。

year.
年

[108] By 1972, multinationals employed more than half of Singapore’s
[到1972 年，跨國公司僱用了新加坡一半以上的員工。

labor force and accounted for 70 percent of its industrial production.[109] By
[109] 到了1990 年代末期，美國的工業產值佔其勞動力總產值的70%。

1973, Singapore had become the world’s third-largest oil refining hub.[110]
1973 年，新加坡成為世界第三大煉油中心。

Within ten years of independence, foreign investment in manufacturing had
在獨立後的十年內，製造業的外國投資已經

risen from $157 million to more than $3.7 billion.[111]
從1.57 億美元增至超過37 億美元[111]。

In early 1968, the mood in the Singaporean parliament had been gloomy
1968 年初，新加坡國會的氣氛十分低沉

and fearful. No one believed that the island could survive the British
和恐懼。沒有人相信該島能在英國人的進攻下倖存下來。

military’s departure. Lee later admitted that the years from 1965 to the
軍隊的離開。李明博後來承認，從1965 年到

scheduled withdrawal in 1971 were the most nerve-racking of his tenure.
1971 年預定的撤軍是他任期內最傷腦筋的事。

[112] Yet by the time the British departed, Singapore was able to absorb the
[然而，當英國人離開時，新加坡已經能夠吸收

economic shock; unemployment did not rise.[113] Against all expectation
經濟衝擊；失業率沒有上升。

and conventional wisdom, Lee’s determination to adapt to change launched
和傳統智慧，李小龍適應變化的決心啟動了

Singapore on an astonishing trajectory.
新加坡的發展軌跡令人驚嘆。

To continue to attract investment, Singapore’s productivity needed to
為了繼續吸引投資，新加坡的生產力需要

keep climbing. To this end, Lee at first asked workers to accept temporarily
不斷攀升。為此，李開復起初要求工人暫時接受

reduced wages in the interest of long-term growth.[114] He gave urgent
為了實現長期成長，他降低了工資[114]。

priority to education. And he frequently revised the nation’s industrial and
優先發展教育。他也經常修改國家的工業和教育政策。

social targets upwards. As Lee said in his 1981 May Day message:
社會目標向上。正如李克強在1981 年五一勞動節致詞中所說的那樣

The greatest achievement of the Singapore labour movement has been to
新加坡勞工運動最大的成就是

transform revolutionary fervor during the period of anti-colonialism (i.e.
將反殖民時期的革命熱情（即

antagonism towards expat employers) in the 1950s to productivity
從20 世紀50 年代對外籍雇主的對立情緒）到生產力

consciousness (cooperation with management, both Singaporean and expat)
意識（與管理層合作，包括新加坡人和外籍人士）

in the 1980s.[115]
在1980年代[ 115] .

Over three decades, Lee drove Singapore to ever higher levels of
在過去的三十年裡，李顯龍推動新加坡的經濟發展水準不斷提高。

development: from subsistence to manufacturing, and from manufacturing
發展：從自給自足到製造業，以及從製造業

to financial services, tourism and high-tech innovation.[116] By 1990, when
116] 到1990 年，當

Lee stepped down as prime minister, Singapore was in an enviable
李顯龍卸任總理時，新加坡正處於一個令人羨慕的時期。

economic position. In 1992, looking back, he said to me that if I had asked
經濟地位。 1992 年，回首往事，他對我說，如果我當時要求

him as late as 1975 – by which time he had already attracted substantial
到了1975 年，他已經吸引大量的

amounts of foreign investment to Singapore – he still would not have
新加坡的外商投資金額- 他仍然不會

predicted the scope of his country’s eventual success.
預測了他的國家最終成功的範圍。

LEE AND AMERICA
李和美國

Lee stunned my Harvard colleagues in 1968 with his defense of American
1968 年，李為美國人辯護，震驚了我的哈佛同事。

involvement in Indochina. Had the political evolution of Southeast Asia
參與印度支那事務。東南亞的政治演變

attracted their attention earlier, they would have noticed that he had been
他們就會注意到，他一直在

propounding the same message for years. In fact, it was Lee’s conviction of
多年來，他一直在宣傳同樣的訊息。事實上，正是李堅信

Washington’s indispensable role for the future of Asia that had brought him
華盛頓對亞洲的未來起著不可或缺的作用，這使他

to pay two important visits to America in as many years.
多年來兩次對美國進行重要訪問。

On Lee’s first state visit to Washington in October 1967, President
1967 年10 月，李在鎔首次對華盛頓進行國事訪問時，美國總統

Johnson introduced him at a White House dinner as ‘a patriot, a brilliant
約翰遜在白宮晚宴上介紹他是"一位愛國者，一位傑出的

political leader, and a statesman of the New Asia’.[117] Lee, with his
新亞洲的政治領袖和政治家"。

habitual bluntness, took the opportunity of his high-level meetings to
他習慣性地直言不諱，利用舉行高級別會議的機會

instruct his hosts about how the Vietnam drama had its antecedents in
他告訴主持人，越戰劇的前身是

American decisions dating back over a decade and a half. To Vice President
美國的決定可以追溯到十五年前。致副總統

Hubert Humphrey, Lee likened the Vietnam crisis to a long bus ride: the
休伯特-漢弗萊（Hubert Humphrey），李（Lee）將越南危機比喻為長途汽車旅行：「我們在越南的時間太長了。

United States had missed all of the stops at which it could have gotten off;
美國錯過了所有可以下車的站點；

the only option now was to stay on until the final destination.[118]
現在唯一的選擇就是堅持到終點。

In the decades to come, Lee would be admired for his candor as much as
在未來的幾十年裡，李開復因其坦率而受人敬仰，正如

for his intelligence by presidents and prime ministers around the world. The
世界各地的總統和總理都對他的智慧讚不絕口。他是

subtlety and precision of his analysis and the reliability of his conduct
他的分析精妙、準確，他的行為可靠

turned him into a counselor to many on whom he himself was dependent.
他成為了許多人的顧問，而他自己也依賴這些人。

How did the leader of a small and vulnerable city-state manage to exercise
一個弱小城邦的領導人是如何做到

so significant an influence on so many leaders abroad? What was his
對這麼多海外領導人產生如此重大的影響？他的

perspective, and how was such a framework applied at moments of crisis?
這種框架在危機時刻是如何應用的？

In a sense, Lee Kuan Yew was on a permanent quest for world order. He
從某種意義上說，李光耀一直在追求世界秩序。他

understood that the global balance of power was a product not only of
全球力量對比不僅是以下因素的產物

anonymous forces but of living political entities, each replete with
無名的力量，而是活生生的政治實體，每個實體都充滿了

individual histories and culture, and each obliged to make a judgment of its
各自的歷史和文化，每個人都必須對自己的

opportunities. The maintenance of equilibrium, on which Singapore’s own
機會。維持平衡，是新加坡自身發展的基礎。

flourishing as a trading nation depended, required not only the balancing of
作為一個貿易國，它的繁榮不僅需要平衡

the major countries against each other but a degree of comprehension of
但在某種程度上，我們需要了解

their diverse identities and the perspectives that followed from them. For
他們的不同身分以及由此產生的觀點。對於

example, Lee observed in 1994:
例如，Lee 於1994 年指出

if you look at societies over the millennia you find certain basic patterns.
縱觀幾千年來的社會，你會發現某些基本模式。

American civilization from the Pilgrim Fathers on is one of optimism and the
從"朝聖者之父"開始，美國文明就充滿了樂觀主義精神。

growth of orderly government. History in China is of dynasties which have
有序政府的發展。中國歷史上的朝代

risen and fallen, of the waxing and waning of societies. And through all that
社會的興衰。而這一切

turbulence, the family, the extended family, the clan, has provided a kind of
動盪中，家庭、大家庭、宗族提供了一種

survival raft for the individual. Civilizations have collapsed, dynasties have
個人的生存之筏。文明崩潰了，王朝

been swept away by conquering hordes, but this life raft enables [Chinese]
但這救生筏使[中國]能夠

civilization to carry on and get to its next phase.[119]
文明繼續前進並進入下一階段。

Lee was respected by leaders of states far more powerful than his own to
李受到了比他自己強大得多的國家領導人的尊重，以至於

a unique degree because he furnished insights that enabled them to grasp
因為他提供的見解使他們能夠掌握

their own essential challenges. Lee’s reading of foreign affairs was, like his
其自身的基本挑戰。李明博對外交事務的解讀就像他的

analysis of Singapore’s domestic requirements, based on his perception of
根據他對以下方面的認識，對新加坡的國內需求進行了分析

objective reality. Subjective preference did not enter into his assessments,
客觀現實。主觀偏好並不在他的評估之列、

which invariably cut to the heart of the matter. Some leaders seek to
這無一例外地切中了問題的要害。一些領導人試圖

impress interlocutors by demonstrating their command of minute details;
透過展現自己對微小細節的掌握，給對話者留下深刻印象；

Lee, whose own factual knowledge was considerable, possessed a more
李，他自己的事實知識相當豐富，但他擁有更多的

precious quality: the capacity to distill a subject to its essence.
珍貴品質：提煉主題精髓的能力。

Just as the obstacles attending Singapore’s birth had been defining
正如新加坡誕生時遇到的障礙所決定的那樣

experiences in Lee’s political life, so, for the rest of his career, he placed
李在鎔政治生涯中的經歷，因此，在其職業生涯的剩餘時間裡，他把

special emphasis on the domestic evolution of other countries in evaluating
在評估時特別強調其他國家的國內演變情況

their relevance to world order. Two countries were central to Lee’s
它們與世界秩序的相關性。有兩個國家是李的核心

assessment of Singapore’s survival and its place in the world: the United
對新加坡的生存及其在世界上的地位的評估：美國

States and China. Lee defined the American relationship unpretentiously in
美國和中國。李明博在《美國與中國的關係》一書中對中美關係作了簡單的定義。

a toast to President Richard Nixon at a White House dinner in April 1973:
1973 年4 月在白宮晚宴上向理查德-尼克森總統祝酒：

We are a very small country placed strategically at the southernmost tip of
我們是一個非常小的國家，位於地球最南端，地理位置十分優越。

Asia, and when the elephants are on the rampage, if you are a mouse there
在亞洲，當大象橫衝直撞時，如果你是一隻老鼠，在那裡

and you don’t know the habits of the elephants, it can be a very painful
而你又不了解大象的習性，這可能會讓你非常痛苦

business.[120]
[120]。

A May 1981 speech likewise captures his prescience and clarity with
1981 年5 月的演講同樣體現了他的預見性和清晰度，其中包括

respect to the Soviet system:
蘇聯體制：

Thirty-six years after the end of World War II we know that in the contest of
在第二次世界大戰結束36 年後，我們知道，在"世界反法西斯戰爭"的角逐中

Western free-enterprise/free-market democracy versus communist command
西方自由企業/自由市場民主與共產主義命令式民主的對比

economy/controlled distribution, the communist system is losing. It cannot
經濟/分配控制，共產主義制度正在失敗。它不能

deliver the goods . . .
交貨 .

Unless this contest ends in mutual destruction by nuclear weapons, the
除非這場較量以核武的相互摧毀而告終，否則

outcome will see the survival of that system which is superior in providing
結果將是，在提供以下服務方面更勝一籌的系統將繼續生存下去

both more security and more economic/spiritual well-being to its members. If
為其成員帶來更多的安全感和經濟/精神福祉。如果

the West can prevent the Soviets from gaining easy spoils through their

military superiority, the free-market system of personal initiatives and
軍事優勢、個人主動性的自由市場體係以及

incentives will be clearly proved superior to the centrally planned/controlled
事實將清楚證明，激勵機制優於中央計畫/控制的

market system.[121]
市場體系。

Ten years later, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Lee’s perspective
十年後，蘇聯解體，李的觀點

would become the conventional wisdom; at the time, few perceived the
在當時，很少人意識到這一點。

imminence of Soviet decay.
蘇聯的衰敗迫在眉睫。

In the American people, Lee discerned an unusual generosity and
在美國人民身上，李發現了一種不尋常的慷慨和

openness of spirit, reminiscent of elements in his own Confucian
開放的精神，讓人聯想到他自己的儒家思想中的元素

commitments. In the immediate postwar period, he observed, America did
承諾。他指出，在戰後不久，美國確實

not abuse its nuclear monopoly:
不濫用其核壟斷權：

Any old and established nation would have ensured its supremacy for as long
任何一個古老而穩固的國家都會在盡可能長的時間內確保其至高無上的地位。

as it could. But America set out to put her defeated enemies on their feet to
但是，美國開始讓她被打敗的敵人站起來但是，美國的出發點是讓戰敗的敵人站起來，以便

ward off an evil force, the Soviet Union, brought about technological change
抵禦邪惡勢力蘇聯，帶來技術變革

by transferring technology generously and freely to Europeans and to
慷慨、自由地向歐洲人轉移技術，以及

Japanese, and enabled them to become challengers within 30 years . . . There
日本人，並使他們能夠在30 年內成為挑戰者......。那裡

was a certain greatness of spirit born out of the fear of Communism plus
是對共產主義的恐懼所產生的某種偉大精神，再加上

American idealism that brought that about.[122]
美國的理想主義帶來了這一切。

As his geopolitical attention shifted in the aftermath of the Deng reforms
鄧小平改革後，他對地緣政治的關注發生了變化

from the threat of Maoist subversion to the more complicated grand-
從毛派顛覆的威脅到更複雜的大

strategic interplay among China, the Soviet Union and the United States –
中國、蘇聯和美國之間的戰略互動

and later still to the management of China as a greatly empowered
以及後來對中國的管理，使其成為一個權力極大的國家

economic and political force – Lee’s assessments shifted accordingly. But
經濟和政治力量--李的評估也隨之改變了。但是

he never altered the theme of the indispensable role of America in the
他從未改變美國在世界和平中不可或缺的角色這個主題。

security and progress of the world and especially Southeast Asia.
世界，特別是東南亞的安全與進步。

It was not that Lee was sentimentally ‘pro-American’ – he was not
這並不是說李在感情上"親美"--他不是

sentimental at all. He could find a healthy amount to criticize in America’s
一點也不感傷。他可以從美國的

approach to politics and to geopolitics. He recorded his early views of
對政治和地緣政治的態度。他記錄了自己早期對

Americans as ‘mixed’:
美國人是"混血兒"：

I admired their can-do approach but shared the view of the British
我欽佩他們敢於擔當的精神，但也贊同英國人的觀點

establishment of the time that the Americans were bright and brash, that they
在當時的體制下，美國人是聰明蠻橫的，他們

had enormous wealth but often misused it. It was not true that all it needed to
他們擁有巨額財富，卻常濫用這些財富。並不是只要

fix a problem was to bring resources to bear on it . . . They meant well but
解決問題的方法是調動資源......。他們的本意是好的，但

were heavy-handed and lacked a sense of history.[123]
[123]。

With the Vietnam War, Lee refined his view: it became important not
隨著越戰的爆發，李小龍改進了他的觀點：重要的是不要

only to match support for American power with understanding and
只有在理解和支持美國力量的同時

encouragement of American purposes; it was now imperative to enlist
鼓勵美國的目的；現在必須爭取

America in the defense of stability in Asia. Britain’s exit from Asia had
美國在維護亞洲穩定方面的作用英國退出亞洲

made America essential as a balancer of the complicated and violent forces
使美國成為平衡各種複雜和暴力力量的重要力量

inimical to the region’s equilibrium. The Cambridge-educated Lee, who had
對該地區的平衡不利。受過劍橋教育的李先生曾

once been told by British Foreign Secretary George Brown that he was ‘the
英國外交大臣喬治布朗曾對他說，他是「世界上最偉大的

best bloody Englishman east of Suez’,[124] adopted an attitude toward the
蘇伊士運河以東最血腥的英國人"，[124] 採取的態度是

United States that bore a resemblance to that of Churchill in establishing
他在美國建立了與邱吉爾相似的

Britain’s ‘special relationship’. Lee made himself, so far as he could, part of
英國的"特殊關係李使自己盡可能成為

the American decision-making process on matters of concern to Southeast
美國在與東南歐有關的問題上的決策過程

Asia. Yet in his case, the relationship would be formed by an Asian leader
亞洲。然而，就他而言，這種關係將由一位亞洲領導人建立

of a tiny post-colonial city-state.
一個後殖民小城邦。

In Lee’s view, the great American qualities of magnanimity and idealism
在李看來，美國人的偉大特質是寬宏大量和理想主義

were insufficient on their own; geopolitical insight was required as a
僅憑這兩點是不夠的，還需要地緣政治的洞察力，作為

supplement to enable America to fulfill its role. Sensitivity to the tension
補充，使美國能夠發揮其作用。對緊張局勢的敏感性

between national ideals and strategic realities was essential. Lee feared that
國家理想與戰略現實之間的關係至關重要。李擔心

America’s tendency toward moralistic foreign policy might turn into neo-
美國的道德主義外交政策傾向可能轉變為新道德主義外交政策。

isolationism when faced with disappointment with the ways of the world.
當對世界的方式感到失望時，就會採取孤立主義。

An overemphasis on democratic aspirations might hamper America’s ability
過度強調民主意願可能會妨礙美國的能力

to empathize with less-developed countries which, by necessity, gave
對欠發達國家表示同情，因為這些國家必須

priority to economic progress over ideology.
經濟進步優先於意識形態。

Lee advanced these views in his characteristic style: a combination of
李小龍以其特有的風格提出了這些觀點：結合了

history, culture and geography honed for relevance to contemporary
與當代相關的歷史、文化和地理知識

concerns; an awareness of the interests of his interlocutor; and eloquent
關注的問題；了解對話者的利益；以及雄辯的

delivery stripped of small talk, extraneous matters or any hint of
摒棄閒聊、不著邊際的事或任何暗示

supplication. In 1994, he insisted that realism needed to be based on a clear
懇求。 1994 年，他堅持認為現實主義必須以明確的

moral distinction between good and evil:
在道德上區分善與惡：

Certain basics about human nature do not change. Man needs a certain moral
人性的某些基本特徵不會改變。人們需要某種道德

sense of right and wrong. There is such a thing called evil, and it is not the
是非感。有一種東西叫做邪惡，它不是

result of being a victim of society. You are just an evil man, prone to do evil
你是社會的受害者。你只是一個邪惡的人，容易做壞事

things, and you have to be stopped from doing them.[125]
你必須被阻止去做這些事情[125]。

Lee presented his leadership to the world as operating within its cultural
李顯龍向世界展示他的領導力時說，他是在世界文化範圍內開展工作的。

context and capable of relating regional developments to the wider world.
並能將地區發展與更廣闊的世界連結起來。

Habitually analytic and prescriptive, he used the insights garnered from his
他習慣於分析和規範，他利用從他的

network of contacts and extensive travels to answer questions and proffer
他的聯繫網絡和廣泛的旅行，可以回答問題並提出建議

advice. ‘When I travel,’ Lee wrote, ‘I am watching how a society, an
建議。當我旅行時，"李寫道，"我在觀察一個社會、一個國家是如何發展的。

administration, is functioning. Why are they good?’[126]
行政機構正在運作。它們為什麼好？ '[ 126]

After Lee stepped down from the premiership in 1990, reminding the
1990 年，李先生從首相位置上退下來後，提醒說

United States of its responsibilities became a preoccupation. During the
美國的責任成了當務之急。在

Cold War, Lee had been primarily concerned that America play a major role
冷戰中，李一直主要關注美國發揮重要作用。

in maintaining the global equilibrium in the face of the Russian threat. After
在俄羅斯的威脅下維持全球平衡。之後

the collapse of the Soviet Union, his attention shifted to America’s crucial
蘇聯解體後，他的注意力轉移到了美國至關重要的

importance in defining and maintaining the Asian equilibrium. Speaking at
在確定和維持亞洲平衡方面的重要性。在

Harvard in 1992, at the very peak of American post-Cold War
哈佛大學，1992 年，美國冷戰後的巔峰時期

triumphalism, he warned that the geopolitical balance would be vastly
他警告說，地緣政治的平衡將大為改觀。

impaired were the United States to turn inward, cash the post-Cold War
如果美國轉而向內發展，冷戰後的現金流就會受到影響。

‘peace dividend’ and weaken in its global responsibilities:
和平紅利"，並削弱其全球責任：

My generation of Asians, who have experienced the last war, its horrors and
我們這一代亞洲人，經歷了上一次戰爭，經歷了戰爭的恐怖和

miseries, and who remember the U.S. role in the phoenix-like rise from the
誰還記得美國在鳳凰涅槃中的作用？

ashes of that war to the prosperity of Japan, the newly industrializing
從戰爭的廢墟到日本的繁榮，新興的工業化國家

economies, and ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations], will feel a
各經濟體和東協（東南亞國家聯盟）將感受到

keen sense of regret that the world will become so vastly different because the
對世界將變得如此巨大不同的強烈惋惜之情，因為

U.S. becomes a less central player in the new balance.[127]
美國在新的平衡中的核心地位下降[127] 。

In 2002, he pointed out that global ‘firefighting’ was not the same as
2002 年，他指出，全球"滅火"工作不同於

America understanding and using its considerable leverage to produce
美國了解並利用其相當大的影響力來產生

lasting global stability.
全球持久穩定。

[128] Viewing foreign policy in terms of strategic
[從戰略角度看待外交政策

design, he defined great-power balance as the key to international order
他將大國平衡定義為國際秩序的關鍵

and, above all, to the security and prosperity of Singapore. ‘We just want
最重要的是，這關係到新加坡的安全與繁榮。我們只希望

maximum space to be ourselves,’ he said in 2011. ‘And that is best
他在2011 年說：『我們有最大的空間做我們自己。這就是最好的

achieved when big “trees” allow space for us, between them we have space.
當大"樹"為我們留出空間時，我們就有了空間。

[When] you have one big tree covering us, we have no space.’[129]
[When] you have one big tree covering us, we have no space. '[ 129]

Lee admired America and was made uneasy by its oscillations. He
李崇拜美國，也為美國的搖擺不定感到不安。他

respected and feared China because of its single-minded pursuit of
因為中國一心一意追求

objectives. Out of historic proximity to China and necessary friendship with
目標。出於歷史上與中國的接近和必要的友好關係

the United States, Lee distilled the security and future of Singapore.
在美國，李顯龍提煉出了新加坡的安全與未來。

LEE AND CHINA
李嘉誠與中國

Lee foresaw China’s potential for hegemony in Asia. In 1973 – when China
李遠哲預見了中國在亞洲稱霸的潛力。 1973 年，當中國

was considered economically backward – he was already saying: ‘China
中國被認為是經濟落後的國家--他已經在說：『中國

will make the grade. It is only a matter of time.’[130] As late as 1979,
會成功的。這只是時間問題。 '[ 130] 早在1979 年， 130

however, he was still expecting China to remain comparatively weak for the
然而，他仍預計中國在未來幾年內仍將相對疲軟。

medium term:
中期：

The world imagines China as a giant. It’s more like a flabby jellyfish. We
世界把中國想像成巨人。它更像一隻軟弱無力的水母。我們

have to see how something can be made of their resources [and] their two
必須看到如何利用他們的資源[和]他們的兩個

weaknesses: the Communist system, and the lack of training and know-how.
弱點：共產主義制度以及缺乏訓練和專門技能。

Now, I fear they may not be sufficiently strong to play the role we want [for]
現在，我擔心他們可能還不夠強大，無法發揮我們想要的作用。

them, balancing off the Russians. I do not fear a strong China; I fear the
我不擔心中國強大，我擔心的是中國的衰退。我不害怕一個強大的中國，我害怕的是

Chinese may be too weak. A balance is necessary if we are to be free to
中國可能太弱了。如果我們要自由地

choose our partners in progress. It will take them 15–20, 30–40 years.[131]
選擇我們的進步夥伴。這需要15-20 年、30-40 年的時間。

At the time, Lee’s attitude toward China’s rise was ambivalent, as
當時，李顯龍對中國崛起的態度是矛盾的，因為

Singapore had ‘conflicting objectives’: to make China strong enough to
新加坡有"相互衝突的目標"：讓中國強大到足以

intimidate communist Vietnam (which Lee thought would provide ‘relief’),
恫嚇共產主義的越南（李認為這將提供"解脫"）、

but not so strong that it might aggress against Taiwan.[132] Yet even at that
但還沒有強大到可以侵略台灣的地步。

moment of relative weakness in China, Lee warned of the country’s
在中國相對疲軟的時刻，李克強警告說，中國的

determination and the upheaval it could unleash: ‘I don’t know if the
決心及其可能引發的動盪：'我不知道是否

[Chinese] leadership can fully comprehend the nature of the transformation
[中國]領導階層能夠充分理解變革的性質

that is due them if they succeed. One thing is certain: they want to
如果他們成功了，他們會得到什麼？有一點是肯定的：他們希望

succeed.’[133] His prediction aligned closely with the way a great strategist
成功。 '[ 133] 他的預測與一位偉大的戰略家的方式非常吻合。

of a previous era, Napoleon, is said to have viewed China: ‘Let China sleep;
據說，上一個時代​​的拿破崙曾這樣看待中國：『讓中國沉睡吧；

for when she wakes, she will shake the world.’[134]
因為當她醒來時，她將震撼世界。 '[ 134]

But when? By 1993, Lee’s views had evolved. China’s rise was no
但什麼時候呢？到了1993 年，李顯龍的觀點改變。中國的崛起​​不是

longer a far-off event; it had become the overriding challenge of the era.
這不再是一個遙遠的事件，它已成為這個時代壓倒一切的挑戰。

‘The size of China’s displacement of the world balance is such that the
'中國對世界天平的擠壓程度使

world must find a new balance in 30 to 40 years,’ he said. ‘It’s not possible
世界必須在30 到40 年內找到新的平衡，」他說。這是不可能的

to pretend that this is just another big player,’ he added. ‘This is the biggest
他補充說：『我們不能假裝這只是另一家大公司。這是最大的

player in the history of man.’[135] He elaborated on this view a few years
人類歷史的參與者。 '[ 135] 幾年後，他闡述了這個觀點。

later:
稍後：

Short of some major unforeseeable disaster which brings chaos or breaks up
除非發生不可預見的重大災難，造成混亂或解體

China once again into so many warlord fiefdoms, it is only a question of time
中國再次淪為軍閥割據之地，只是時間問題

before the Chinese people reorganize, reeducate, and train themselves to take
在中國人民進行整頓、再教育和自我訓練，以採取以下行動之前

full advantage of modern science and technology.[136]
充分利用現代科學技術。

Lee’s approach to China, like his analysis of America, was
李嘉誠對中國的態度，就像他對美國的分析一樣，是

unsentimental. If America’s challenge, in Lee’s view, lay in its fluctuations
不感情用事。在李看來，如果美國的挑戰在於其波動性

between insufficiently reflective idealism and habitual bouts of self-doubt,
在反思不足的理想主義和習慣性的自我懷疑之間徘徊、

the problem posed by China was the resurgence of a traditional imperial
中國帶來的問題是傳統帝國主義的重新抬頭。

pattern. The millennia during which China conceived of itself as the
模式。幾千年來，中國一直把自己視為

‘Middle Kingdom’ – the central country in the world – and classified all
"Middle Kingdom" -世界中心國家-並對所有進行了分類。

other states as tributaries were bound to have left a legacy in Chinese
其他國家作為支流，勢必會在中國的歷史上留下痕跡。

thinking and to encourage a tendency toward hegemony. ‘At this moment, I
思維，助長霸權傾向。此時此刻，我

think the American outcome is best for us,’ he told an interviewer in 2011:
他在2011 年接受採訪時說：「我認為美國的結果對我們最有利：

I don’t see the Chinese as a benign power as the Americans. I mean, they say
在我看來，中國不像美國那樣是個良善的大國。我的意思是，他們說

bu cheng ba (won’t be a hegemon). If you are not ready to be a hegemon,
bu cheng ba （不會稱霸）。如果你還沒做好成為霸主的準備，

why do you keep on telling the world you are not going to be a hegemon?[137]
為什麼你們總是告訴世界你們不會成為霸主？

Determined to resist China’s destabilizing policies during the Mao era,
堅決抵制毛澤東時代破壞中國穩定的政策、

and afterward to ward off any impression that majority-Chinese Singapore
並在之後避免給人留下華人佔多數的新加坡的印象

should be viewed as naturally aligned with the motherland, Lee had long
應被視為與祖國天然一致，李早就

proclaimed that Singapore would be the last ASEAN country to establish
新加坡宣布，新加坡將是東協國家中最後一個建立

diplomatic relations with Beijing. (Singapore had also relied on Taiwanese
與北京的外交關係。 (新加坡也靠台灣

investments and knowhow to develop its industries, beginning with textiles
投資和專業知識，以發展其工業，首先是紡織業

and plastics.)[138] Following the opening to China by the West during the
和塑膠。 ）[ 138] 在和塑膠期間西方對中國開放之後。

1970s, Lee was true to his word. He defined Singapore as autonomous
1970 年代，李顯龍言出必行。他將新加坡定義為自治

toward both neighbors and superpowers. In 1975, he ignored an invitation
對鄰國和超級大國都是如此。 1975 年，他無視

from Zhou Enlai to visit China – a decision which ensured that Lee and the
周恩來的邀請，訪問中國--這項決定確保了李和

ailing Zhou would never meet. Singapore officially recognized the PRC
病中的周恩來永遠不會見面。新加坡正式承認中華人民共和國

only in 1990.
僅在1990 年。

In November 1978, however, Lee welcomed China’s paramount leader,
然而，1978 年11 月，李顯龍歡迎了中國的最高領導人、

Deng Xiaoping, to Singapore. That event marked the beginning of the
鄧小平訪問新加坡。這一事件標誌著

contemporary Singapore–China relationship. To symbolize the importance
當代新中關係。為了體現

Lee attached to this visit, he arranged for an ashtray and spittoon to be
在這次訪問中，李連傑安排了一個煙灰缸和痰盂。

placed in front of China’s then-leader, who was an avid smoker, despite
他是一位狂熱的吸煙者，儘管

Singapore’s laws against smoking (and Lee’s strong allergy to smoke).
新加坡的禁煙法律（以及李顯龍對煙霧的強烈過敏）。

Deng’s agenda on that trip was to build opposition to the Soviet Union
鄧小平此行的目的是反對蘇聯

and unified Vietnam among Southeast Asian countries; Lee was primarily
並在東南亞國家中統一了越南。

concerned with easing domineering tendencies in Chinese policy toward
關注緩和中國對美政策中的霸道傾向

Singapore. He explained to Deng that China’s radio broadcasts aimed at
新加坡。他向鄧小平解釋說，中國的無線電廣播旨在

radicalizing Southeast Asia’s Chinese diaspora made it difficult to
東南亞華人華僑的激進化使他們很難

cooperate with Beijing. Lee asked that Deng halt the propaganda; within
與北京合作。李登輝要求鄧小平停止宣傳；在

two years it was gradually stopped.[139] Years later, Lee identified Deng as
兩年後，鄧小平逐漸停止了這項活動。

one of the three world leaders he most admired (the other two being Charles
他最欽佩的三位世界領導人之一（另外兩位是查爾斯

de Gaulle and Winston Churchill). Deng, in Lee’s view, ‘was a great man
戴高樂和溫斯頓-邱吉爾）。在李看來，鄧小平"是個偉大的人

because he changed China from a broken-backed state, which would have
因為他將中國從一個斷壁殘垣的國家變成了一個

imploded like the Soviet Union, into what it is today, on the way to
像蘇聯一樣內爆，變成今天的樣子，在通往

becoming the world’s largest economy’.[140]
成為世界上最大的經濟體'[140]。

According to the distinguished Sinologist and Deng biographer Ezra
著名漢學家、鄧小平傳記作者以斯拉指出

Vogel, Deng was still undecided with respect to his economic policies when
沃格爾認為，鄧小平當時對其經濟政策仍未做出決定。

he visited Singapore, but the visit ‘helped strengthen Deng’s conviction of
他訪問了新加坡，但這次訪問'有助於加強鄧小平對新加坡的信念'。

the need for fundamental reforms’.[141] The following month, he announced
需要根本性的改革。

his Open Door policy, which created Special Economic Zones in coastal
他的門戶開放政策，在沿海地區建立了經濟特區。

China to welcome foreign direct investment. As Vogel observed, ‘Deng
中國歡迎外國直接投資。正如沃格爾所言，"鄧

found orderly Singapore an appealing model for reform’ and dispatched
發現秩序井然的新加坡是一個有吸引力的改革模式'，並派遣了

emissaries there ‘to learn about city planning, public management, and
使者在那裡'學習城市規劃、公共管理和

controlling corruption’.[142]
控制腐敗"[142]。

During Deng’s period of preeminence, Lee began to pay annual visits to
在鄧小平當政期間，李嘉誠開始每年拜訪

China – even before full recognition – to examine its urban development
中國--甚至在獲得全面承認之前--審視其城市發展

and agricultural reform and establish contacts with its leading officials. Lee
和農業改革，並與該國主要官員建立聯繫。李

advised Zhao Ziyang, the Chinese premier and later general secretary of the
他建議中國總理趙紫陽和後來的中國共產黨總書記

Chinese Communist Party, that the openness required for economic growth
中國共產黨認為，經濟成長所需的開放性

did not have to come at the expense of ‘Confucian values’. In a later
不必以犧牲"儒家價值觀"為代價。在後來的

reflection beginning with a riff on Deng Xiaoping’s phrase ‘crossing the
從鄧小平的"跨越.....

river by feeling the stones’, Zhao said that Lee had ‘shortened this river
趙雲說李白"摸著石頭過河"，李白"把這條河縮短了

crossing for us’.[143]
crossing for us' .[143]

Lee’s advice would be manifested in the creation of a Singaporean
李顯龍的建議將體現在建立一個新加坡的

industrial park in Suzhou, an ancient Chinese city near Shanghai famous for
蘇州工業園區是一座古老的中國城市，毗鄰上海，以"江南水鄉"而聞名。

its many beautiful traditional Chinese gardens. Opened in 1994, the park
它擁有許多美麗的中國傳統花園。公園於1994 年開放

was designed to integrate Singaporean management practices with local
旨在將新加坡的管理實踐與當地的

labor, thereby accelerating industrialization and attracting foreign capital to
勞動力，從而加速工業化進程，吸引外國資本來

China. Singapore’s sovereign wealth funds, Temasek Holdings and GIC
中國。新加坡主權財富基金淡馬錫控股公司（Temasek Holdings）及新加坡政府投資公司（GIC

(formerly Government of Singapore Investment Corporation), became
（前身為新加坡政府投資公司），成為新加坡政府投資公司。

major investors in China.
中國的主要投資者。

In 1989, Lee joined most of the West in condemning the Chinese
1989 年，李顯龍與大多數西方國家一樣，譴責中國

leadership’s suppression of the student protests in Tiananmen Square. He
領導階層對天安門廣場學生抗議活動的鎮壓。他

decried the brutality of the methods and called their human cost
譴責這些方法的殘酷性，並稱其造成的人的代價是

unacceptable.[144] But he was also convinced that a political implosion in
144] 但他也深信，如果美國發生政治內爆，那麼美國人就會被屠殺。

China would be a terrible risk for the world – posing a variety of dangers
中國將為世界帶來可怕的風險--帶來各種危險

that the Soviet Union’s own disintegration would soon illustrate. As Lee
蘇聯自身的解體很快就會說明這一點。正如李

later put it, comparing the two cases:
後來，他在比較這兩個案例時說：

Deng was the only leader in China with the political standing and strength to
鄧小平是中國唯一擁有政治地位和實力的領導人，他可以

reverse Mao’s policies . . . A veteran of war and revolution, he saw the
扭轉毛澤東的政策......。身為戰爭與革命的老兵，他看見了

student demonstrators at Tiananmen as a danger that threatened to throw
天安門的學生示威者是一種危險，有可能將

China back into turmoil and chaos, prostrate for another 100 years. He had
中國再次陷入動盪與混亂，一蹶不振100 年。他曾

lived through a revolution and recognized the early signs of one at
他經歷了一場革命，並認識到了革命的早期跡象。

Tiananmen. Gorbachev, unlike Deng, had only read about revolution, and did
天安門戈巴契夫與鄧小平不同，他只讀過革命的書，並沒有

not recognize the danger signals of the Soviet Union’s impending collapse.
沒有意識到蘇聯即將崩潰的危險信號。

[145]

After Tiananmen, China’s economic reforms appeared to be faltering,
天安門事件後，中國的經濟改革似乎步履蹣跚、

and they were revived only following Deng’s 1992 ‘Southern Tour’ – an
直到1992 年鄧小平"南巡"之後，它們才得以恢復。

epic and highly influential month-long trip through several southern cities
歷時一個月、穿越多個南方城市的史詩般的、極具影響力的旅行

in which the eighty-seven-year-old and nominally retired Deng persuasively
其中，八十七歲、名義上已退休的鄧小平勸說道

restated the case for economic liberalization.
重申了經濟自由化的理由。

BETWEEN THE US AND CHINA
中美之間

For the United States, Lee’s message about China was sobering and, in its
對美國而言，李顯龍關於中國的訊息令人警醒，而且在其

deepest sense, unwelcome: America would be obliged to share its
從最深層的意義上說，這是不受歡迎的：美國將不得不分享其

preeminent position in the Western Pacific, and perhaps in the wider world,
在西太平洋地區，或許在更廣闊的世界中，都佔據著卓越的地位、

with a new superpower. ‘It just has to live with a bigger China,’ Lee said in
一個新的超級大國。它只需要與一個更大的中國共存。

2011, and this would prove ‘completely novel for the U.S., as no country
2011 年，這將被證明"對美國來說是完全新穎的，因為沒有一個國家

has ever been big enough to challenge its position. China will be able to do
足以挑戰其地位。中國將能夠做到

so in 20 to 30 years.’[146]
所以在20至30年後。 '[ 146]

Such an evolution would be painful for a society with America’s own
這種演變對於一個有著美國自己的

sense of exceptionalism, Lee warned. But American prosperity was itself
李警告說：「這可能會讓美國人產生例外意識。但美國的繁榮本身

due to exceptional factors: ‘geopolitical good fortune, an abundance of
由於特殊因素：地緣政治上的好運、豐富的

resources and immigrant energy, a generous flow of capital and technology
資源和移民能源，慷慨的資本和技術流動

from Europe, and two wide oceans that kept conflicts of the world away
兩片廣闊的海洋將世界上的衝突阻隔在外

from American shores’.[147] In the approaching world, as China became a
來自美國海岸的。

formidable military power with cutting-edge technology, geography would
擁有尖端科技的強大軍事力量，地理上將

provide no hedge for the United States.
沒有為美國提供對沖。

Lee anticipated that the impending change would challenge the
李預計，即將發生的變化將對

prevailing international equilibrium and make the position of intermediate
國際平衡，並使中間國家的地位提高。

states precarious. Julius Nyerere, the former prime minister of Tanzania,
國家岌岌可危。坦尚尼亞前總理朱利葉斯-尼雷爾、

had warned Lee, ‘When elephants fight, the grass gets trampled.’ To which
曾告誡李，'大像打架，草都會被踩爛'。對此

Lee, who as we have seen was himself fond of elephant analogies, had
正如我們看到的那樣，李本人也喜歡用大像作比喻。

responded: ‘When elephants make love, the grass gets trampled, too.’[148]
回答說："當大像做愛時，草也會被踐踏。 '[ 148]

[*] Singapore’s aims of stability and growth would be best served by a
[*]新加坡要實現穩定和成長的目標，最好的方法是

cordial but cool relationship between the two superpowers, Lee believed.
李認為，這兩個超級大國之間的關係友好而冷淡。

Yet in his own interactions with Washington and Beijing, Lee acted less as a
然而，在他自己與華盛頓和北京的互動中，李在鎔並沒有充當

national advocate for Singapore than as a philosophical guide to the two
新加坡的國家倡導者，而不是作為兩個國家的哲學指導者

awesome giants.
令人敬畏的巨人

In his meetings with Chinese leaders, Lee tended to marshal arguments
在與中國領導人的會晤中，李顯龍傾向於提出論點

attuned to their historical traumas and delivered with an otherwise rare
他們的歷史創傷，並以一種罕見的

emotion. In 2009, he cautioned the rising generation of Chinese leaders who
情感。 2009 年，他告誡正在崛起的一代中國領導人，他們

had not experienced the deprivations and cataclysms of their elders but felt
他們沒有經歷過長輩們的匱乏與災難，卻覺得

a deep-seated resentment about their place in the world:
對自己在世上的地位深惡痛絕：

This [older] generation has been through hell: Great Leap Forward, hunger,
這[老]一代人經歷過地獄般的生活：大躍進、飢餓

starvation, near collision with the Russians . . . the Cultural Revolution gone
飢餓、差點與俄國人相撞.............文化大革命逝去

mad . . . I have no doubt that this generation wants a peaceful rise. But the
瘋了.. .我毫不懷疑，這一代人希望和平崛起。但

grandchildren? They think that they have already arrived, and if they begin to
孫輩？他們認為自己已經到了，如果他們開始

flex their muscles, we will have a very different China . . . Grandchildren
我們將有一個非常不同的中國......。孫輩

never listen to grandfathers.
永遠不要聽祖輩的話

The other problem is a more crucial one: if you start off with the belief that
另一個問題更為關鍵：如果一開始就認為

the world has been unkind to you, the world has exploited you, the
這個世界對你不仁，這個世界剝削你，這個世界對你不公

imperialists have devastated you, looted Beijing, done all this to you . . . this
帝國主義者蹂躪了你們，掠奪了北京，對你們做了這一切......。 ……這

is no good . . . You are not going back to the old China, when you were the
是不行的。你不能回到過去的中國，那時你是

only power in the world as far as you knew . . . Now, you are just one of
就你所知，你是世界上唯一的力量。現在，你只是

many powers, many of them more innovative, inventive, and resilient.[149]
其中許多國家更具創新性、創造性和應變能力。

As a counterpart to this advice, Lee counseled America not to ‘treat
與此建議相對應的是，李明博建議美國不要"對待......"。

China as an enemy from the outset’, lest it ‘develop a counterstrategy to
從一開始就把中國視為敵人"，以免中國"制定反戰略，以

demolish the U.S. in the Asia-Pacific’. He warned that, in fact, the Chinese
在亞太地區摧毀美國"。他警告說，事實上，中國

could already envision such a scenario, but that an inevitable ‘contest
已經可以預見到這種情況，但不可避免的"競爭

between the two countries for supremacy in the western Pacific . . . need not
兩國之間爭奪西太平洋霸權......無需

lead to conflict’.[150] Accordingly, Lee advised Washington to integrate
150] 因此，李建議華盛頓整合

Beijing into the international community and accept ‘China as a big,
北京融入國際社會，接受'中國是一個大國'、

powerful, rising state’ with ‘a seat in the boardroom’. Rather than
強大、崛起的國家"，在"董事會中佔有一席之地"。而不是

presenting itself as an enemy in Chinese eyes, the United States should
在中國人眼中，美國是個敵人，美國應該

‘acknowledge [China] as a great power, applaud its return to its position of
承認[中國]是一個大國，為其重返其

respect and restoration of its glorious past, and propose specific concrete
尊重和恢復其輝煌的過去，並提出具體的

ways to work together’.[151]
合作的方式"[151]。

Lee considered that the Nixon administration had practiced this type of
李認為，尼克森政府曾採取這種做法。

approach, describing President Nixon as ‘a pragmatic strategist’. In the
他形容尼克森總統是"務實的戰略家"。在

world ahead, America’s posture should be to ‘engage, not contain, China’,
在未來的世界裡，美國的姿態應該是'與中國接觸，而不是遏制中國'、

but in a way that ‘would also quietly set pieces into place for a fallback
但'也會悄悄地為後備方案做好準備

position should China not play according to the rules as a good global
中國作為一個優秀的國際組織，難道不該遵守規則嗎？

citizen’. In this way, should the countries of the region ever feel compelled
公民"。這樣，如果該地區國家感到不得不

‘to take sides, America’s side of the chessboard should include Japan,
美國的棋盤應該包括日本、

Korea, ASEAN, India, Australia, New Zealand, and the Russian
韓國、東協、印度、澳洲、紐西蘭和俄羅斯

Federation’.[152]
聯邦'。

I was present during presentations by Lee on both sides of the Pacific.
我參加了李博士在太平洋兩岸的演講。

His American interlocutors, while generally receptive to Lee’s geopolitical
他的美國對話者雖然普遍接受李的地緣政治

analysis, tended to inquire after his views on immediate issues, such as the
分析，傾向於詢問他對當前問題的看法，如

North Korean nuclear program or the performance of Asian economies.
北韓核子計畫或亞洲經濟的表現。

They were also imbued with an expectation that China in the end would
他們也期望中國最終會

achieve an approximation of American political principles and institutions.
實現與美國政治原則和製度的近似。

Lee’s Chinese interlocutors, for their part, welcomed his arguments that
李顯龍的中國對話者則對他以下的論點表示歡迎

China should be treated as a great power, and that differences, even in the
中國應被視為一個大國，而即使在

long term, did not necessitate conflict. But beneath their smoothly polite
長遠來看，衝突並無必要。但在他們彬彬有禮的外表下

manners, one also sensed a discomfort at being instructed by an overseas
在禮儀方面，人們也感受到了被一位海外人士指導的不適感。

Chinese about principles of Chinese conduct.
中國人的行為準則。

Lee envisioned an apocalyptic scenario for war between the US and
李設想了美蘇戰爭的末日場景。

China. Weapons of mass destruction guaranteed devastation; beyond that,
中國。大規模殺傷性武器是毀滅性的保證；除此之外、

no meaningful war aims – including especially the characteristics of
沒有任何有意義的戰爭目標--尤其包括"......

‘victory’ – could be defined. So it is no accident that, toward the end of his
'勝利' -可以被定義。

life, Lee’s appeals to China were persistently addressed to the generation
在他的一生中，李顯龍對中國的呼籲始終是針對那一代的。

that had never experienced the turmoil of his generation and that might be
他們從未經歷過他那一代的動盪，可能會

too reliant on its technology or power:
過於依賴其技術或力量：

It is vital that the younger generation of Chinese, who have only lived during
年輕一代的中國人只生活在過去的歲月裡，因此，讓他們了解中國的歷史、了解中國的文化、了解中國的未來至關重要。

a period of peace and growth in China and have no experience of China’s
在中國的和平與發展時期，沒有經歷過中國的

tumultuous past, are made aware of the mistakes China made as a result of
在動盪不安的過去，人們意識到中國由於以下原因而犯下的錯誤

hubris and excesses in ideology. They have to be imbued with the right values
傲慢和過度的意識形態。他們必須接受正確價值觀的薰陶

and attitudes to meet the future with humility and responsibility.[153]
和態度，以謙遜和負責的態度迎接未來。

Lee never tired of reminding his interlocutors that globalization meant
李開復總是不厭其煩地提醒他的對話者，全球化意味著

that every nation – including (perhaps especially) those that had created the
每個國家--包括（也許特別是）那些創造了

system and written its rules – would have to learn to live in a competitive
他們必須學會在競爭激烈的環境中生存。

world.[154] Globalization had developed its ultimate form only in his
154] 全球化在他的時代才最終形成。

lifetime with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of China. In that
隨著蘇聯的解體和中國的崛起​​，我們的生活發生了翻天覆地的變化。在這

world, great prosperity in close proximity to great want would generate
在這個世界上，巨大的繁榮與巨大的匱乏相鄰，會產生

flammable passions.[155] ‘Regionalism is no longer the ultimate solution,’
155]"地區主義不再是最終的解決方案"，[156] "地區主義不再是最終的解決方案"。

he said in 1979. ‘Interdependence is the reality. It’s one world.’[156] Global
他在1979 年說：「相互依存是現實。相互依存是現實。這是一個世界。 '[ 156] 全球。

interconnection, he believed, could benefit everyone if handled wisely.
他認為，如果處理得當，互聯可以使每個人受益。

After all, as he said to me in 2002, Singapore’s own engagement with the
畢竟，正如他在2002 年對我說的那樣，新加坡自己與

world was the main reason its development had outpaced China’s.[157] In
這是其發展速度超過中國的主要原因。

Lee’s view, the end of the Cold War had produced two contradictory
李認為，冷戰的結束產生了兩個矛盾。

phenomena: globalization and potential strategic rivalry between the US
現象：全球化與美國之間潛在的戰略競爭

and China with the risk of a catastrophic war. Where many detected only
和中國發生災難性戰爭的風險。許多人只發現

peril, Lee asserted the indispensability of mutual restraint. It was the
李在鎔主張相互克制是不可或缺的。這是

essential obligation of both the US and China to invest both hope and action
美國和中國都有義務投入希望和行動

in the possibility of a successful outcome.
成功的可能性。

As few others, Lee foretold at an early stage the dilemmas that China’s
和其他少數人一樣，李嘉誠很早就預見了中國的困境。

evolution would present for both China and the US. Inevitably the two
中美兩國都將面臨演變的問題。不可避免的是，中美兩國

nations would impinge on each other. Would this new relation lead to
各國將相互影響。這種新的關係是否會導致

growing confrontation, or would it be possible to transform adversarial
還是有可能改變對抗性的

conduct into joint analysis of the requirements of peaceful coexistence?
共同分析和平共處的要求？

For decades, Washington and Beijing proclaimed the latter goal. But
幾十年來，華盛頓和北京一直宣稱後一個目標。但是

today, in the third decade of the twenty-first century, both appear to have
在二十一世紀第三個十年的今天，兩者似乎都已經

suspended efforts to give coexistence an operational expression and are
暫停為使共存具有可操作性而做出的努力，並且

turning instead toward sharpening rivalry. Will the world slide toward
而不是轉向日益尖銳的競爭。世界是否會滑向

conflict as in the run-up to the First World War, when Europe inadvertently
在第一次世界大戰前夕的衝突中，歐洲無意中

constructed a diplomatic doomsday machine that made each succeeding
建構了一個外交末日機器，使每一個後繼的

crisis progressively more difficult to solve until, finally, it blew up –
危機逐漸變得更難解決，直到最後，危機爆發了

destroying civilization as it was then perceived? Or will the two behemoths
摧毀當時人們所認為的文明？還是這兩個龐然大物

rediscover a definition of coexistence that is meaningful in terms of each
重新發現共存的定義，它對每個人都有意義

side’s conception of its greatness and of its core interests? The fate of the
一方對其偉大和核心利益的看法？的命運？

modern world depends on the answer.
現代世界取決於答案。

Lee was one of the few leaders respected on both sides of the Pacific for
李是太平洋兩岸少數幾位因以下原因而受到尊重的領導人之一

both his insight and his achievements. Starting his career by developing a
他的洞察力和成就。他的職業生涯從開發

concept of order for a tiny speck of an island and its neighborhood, he spent
他為一個小島及其周邊地區的秩序概念，花費了

his last years appealing for wisdom and restraint on the part of the countries
在他最後的歲月裡，他呼籲各國保持智慧和克制

capable of wreaking a global catastrophe. Though he would never have
能夠造成全球性災難。儘管他絕對不會

made such a claim for himself, the old realist had assumed a role as world
這位老牌現實主義者為自己提出了這樣的要求，並承擔起了世界

conscience.
良心

LEE’S LEGACY
李的遺產

After his long tenure, Lee resigned the office of prime minister in
在經歷了漫長的任期後，李顯龍於2009 年辭去了首相職務。

November 1990. In order to provide for a steady, managed transition, he
1990 年11 月。為了實現平穩、有秩序的過渡，他

gradually separated himself from day-to-day governance. With the titles
逐漸脫離了日常管理。頭銜

first of senior minister and then minister mentor, he remained influential but
他先是擔任高級部長，後來又擔任部長導師，他的影響力依然很大，但

progressively less visible through two prime ministerial successors.[*] 重試    錯誤原因

An assessment of Lee’s legacy must begin with the extraordinary growth
評估李嘉誠的遺產必須從他的非凡成長開始。

of Singapore’s per capita gross domestic product from $517 in 1965 to
新加坡的人均國內生產毛額從1965 年的517 美元增加到

$11,900 in 1990 and $60,000 at present (2020).[158] Annual GDP growth
1990 年為11 900 美元，目前（2020 年）為60 000 美元。

averaged 8 percent well into the 1990s.[159] It is one of the most remarkable 重試    錯誤原因

economic success stories of modern times.
現代經濟的成功故事。

In the late 1960s, it was received wisdom that post-colonial leaders
20 世紀60 年代末，人們普遍認為，後殖民領導人

ought to shield their economies from international market forces and
應使其經濟免受國際市場力量的影響，並

develop autonomous local industries through intensive state intervention.
透過強化國家幹預，發展自主的地方工業。

As an expression of their newfound liberation and out of nationalist and
為了表達他們新獲得的解放，並出於民族主義和

populist impulses, some even felt compelled to harass foreigners who had
民粹主義的衝動，有些人甚至必須去騷擾那些曾經

taken up residence on their soil during colonial days. The result, as Richard
在殖民時期，他們就已經在自己的​​土地上定居。結果，正如理查德

Nixon wrote, was that:
尼克森寫道

We live in a time when leaders are often judged more by the stridency of their 重試    錯誤原因

rhetoric and the coloration of their politics than by the success of their 重試    錯誤原因

policies. Especially in the developing world, too many people have gone to
政策。特別是在發展中世界，太多的人已經到了

bed at night with their ears full but their stomachs empty.
晚上睡覺時，他們的耳朵塞滿了東西，肚子裡卻空空如也。

[160]

Lee took Singapore in the opposite direction, attracting multinational
李顯龍把新加坡帶向了相反的方向，吸引了跨國企業的參與。

corporations by embracing free trade and capitalism and insisting on the
透過擁護自由貿易和資本主義，並堅持

enforcement of business contracts. He prized its ethnic diversity as a special
商業合約的執行。他珍惜其民族多樣性，認為這是

asset, working assiduously to prevent outside forces from intervening in
資產，竭力防止外部勢力干涉

domestic disputes – and thus also helping to preserve his country’s
國內爭端--從而也有助於維護其國家的

independence. While most of his peers adopted a posture of non-alignment
獨立性。雖然他的大多數同行都採取了不結盟的姿態

in the Cold War – which in practice often meant de facto acquiescence in
在冷戰中，這實際上往往意味著在事實上默許

Soviet designs – Lee staked his geopolitical future on the reliability of the
蘇聯的圖謀--李登輝將自己的地緣政治未來寄託在了"蘇聯"的可靠性上。

US and its allies.
美國及其盟國。

In charting a path for his new society, Lee attached decisive importance
在為他的新社會規劃道路時，李小龍決定性地重視

to the centrality of culture. He rejected the belief – held in the liberal
文化的中心地位。他摒棄了自由主義者所持有的以下信念

democracies of the West as well as in the Soviet-led communist bloc – that
在西方民主國家和以蘇聯為首的共產主義集團中--那就​​是

political ideologies were paramount in defining the evolution of a society
政治意識形態是決定社會演進的首要因素

and that all societies would modernize in the same way. To the contrary,
所有社會都會以同樣的方式現代化。事實恰恰相反、

said Lee: ‘The West believes the world must follow [its] historical
李說：『西方認為，世界必須遵循[其]歷史。

development. [But] democracy and individual rights are alien to the rest of
發展。 [但]民主和個人權利與其他國家格格不入。

the world.’[161] The universality of liberal claims was as inconceivable to 重試    錯誤原因

him as the notion that Americans would someday choose to follow
他認為美國人有一天會選擇追隨

Confucius.
孔子

But neither did Lee believe that such civilizational differences were
但李也不認為這種文明差異是

insurmountable. Cultures should coexist and accommodate each other.
不可逾越。各種文化應共存互容。

Today, Singapore remains an authoritarian state, but authoritarianism per se
今天，新加坡仍然是一個威權主義國家，但威權主義本身

was not Lee’s goal – it was a means to an end. Nor was family autocracy.
這不是李的目標，只是達到目的的手段。家族專制也不是。

Goh Chok Tong (no relation of Goh Keng Swee) served as prime minister 重試    錯誤原因

from November 1990 to August 2004. Lee’s son Lee Hsieng Loong – 重試    錯誤原因

whose competence no one questions – succeeded Goh and is now engaged
他的能力無人質疑--他接替了吳先生，目前正在從事

in withdrawing from the premiership so that a successor can be determined
退出總理職位，以便確定繼任者

in the next election cycle. They led Singapore further down the path on
在下一個選舉週期。他們帶領新加坡在以下道路越走越遠

which Lee had set it.
這是李小龍設定的。

Elections in Singapore are not democratic, but they are not without
新加坡的選舉並非民主，但也並非沒有民主

significance. While in democracies discontent expresses itself through the
意義重大。在民主國家，不滿情緒的表達方式是

possibility of electoral change, in Singapore Lee and his successors have
在新加坡，李顯龍和他的繼任者有可能改變選舉制度。

used voting as a performance evaluation to inform those in power of the
將投票作為績效評估，以告知當權者

efficacy of their actions, thereby giving them the opportunity to adjust their 重試    錯誤原因

policies depending on their judgment of the public interest.
政策取決於他們對公共利益的判斷。

Was there an alternative? Might a different approach, more democratic
還有其他選擇嗎？另一種更民主的方法

and pluralist, have succeeded? Lee did not think so. He believed that at the
和多元化成功了嗎？李可不這麼認為。他認為，在

beginning, as Singapore moved toward independence, it was in danger from
在新加坡邁向獨立之初，它面臨著來自以下方面的危險

the sectarian forces that tore apart many other post-colonial countries. As he
教派勢力曾使許多其他後殖民國家四分五裂。正如他

saw it, democratic states with significant ethnic divisions run the risk of
在我看來，民族分裂嚴重的民主國家有可能出現以下情況

succumbing to identity politics, which tend to accentuate sectarianism.[*] A 重試    錯誤原因

democratic system functions by enabling a majority (variously defined) to
民主制度的功能是讓多數人（定義不一）能夠

create a government through elections, and then to create another
透過選舉建立政府，然後再建立另一個政府

government when political opinion shifts. But when political opinions – and
當政治輿論改變時，政府也會改變。但是，當政治觀點

divisions – are determined by immutable definitions of identity rather than
這些分區是由一成不變的身份定義決定的，而不是由......

by fluid policy differences, the prospects for any such outcome decline in
由於流動性政策差異的影響，出現這種結果的可能性會越來越小。

proportion to the extent of the division; majorities tend to become
與分裂的程度成正比；多數往往成為

permanent, and minorities seek to escape their subjugation through
永久性的，而少數群體則試圖透過

violence. In Lee’s view, governance operated most effectively as a
暴力。在李看來，治理最有效的運作方式是

pragmatic unit of close associates untethered to ideology, prizing technical
務實的親密夥伴單位，不受意識形態的束縛，重視技術