The Modern Girl  现代女孩

Around the World Research Group
环球研究小组
(ALYS EVE WEINBAUM, LYNN M. THOMAS, PRITI RAMAMURT’HY, UTA G. POIGER, MADELEINE YUE DONG, and TANI E. BARLOW, editors) DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS DURHAM AND LONDON
艾丽丝·伊夫·温宝姆、林恩·M·托马斯、普丽蒂·拉马慕尔蒂、乌塔·G·波格尔、马德琳·玉洞和塔尼·E·巴洛主编。杜克大学出版社，达勒姆和伦敦。
42. Larsen, 56.
43. Larsen, 59 (emphasis added)
Ibid. Many critics have focused on Helga’s conflicted sexual expression. See, for exam- ple, Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood, 174.
参见。许多评论家已集中关注赫尔加矛盾的性表达。例如,参见 Carby 的《重构女性》,第 174 页。
45. Artists and writers used primitive aesthetics and artifacts to enable modernism. Such (ab)use of primitivism has generated heated debate. See, for example, Torgovnick, Gone Primitive; Barkan and Bush, Prehistories of the Future, 270-89; and McCabe, “The Multifaceted Politics of Primitivism in Harlem Renaissance Writing,” 475-97.
45. 艺术家和作家使用原始的美学和工艺品来实现现代主义。这种对原始主义的利用引发了激烈的争论。例如,参见 Torgovnick 的《Gone Primitive》;Barkan 和 Bush 的《Prehistories of the Future》,第 270-89 页;以及 McCabe 的《"哈莱姆文艺复兴写作中的原始主义的多重政治"》,第 475-97 页。
46. Larsen, 74 .
46.拉尔森,74。
47. Larsen, 73, 69, 69, 73, and 70.
拉尔森, 73, 69, 69, 73, 和 70。
48. Larsen, 74. It would have been transparent to contemporary readers that Larsen’s portrait of Helga in Copenhagen references the real-life escapades of Baker. Although Baker’s masquerade as “savage” enchantress garnered her European fame, she never received a similar reception in the United States. See Wall, Women of the Harlem Renaissance, 103-1i; and Martin, “Remembering the Jungle.”
48. 拉尔森, 74.当代读者很可能会明白拉尔森在哥本哈根描绘的赫尔加肖像是在引用 Baker 的真实际遭遇。尽管 Baker 以"野性"魅惑者的伪装在欧洲声名鹊起,但她在美国却未曾受到类似的热烈欢迎。见 Wall, Women of the Harlem Renaissance, 103-1i; 以及 Martin, "Remembering the Jungle."
49. Larsen, 83 (emphasis added).
拉尔森, 83 (强调)。
50. Larsen, 87.  拉森, 87.
51. Larsen, 133.
52. Larsen, 135 (emphasis added).
拉尔森, 135 (强调补充)。

The Indian Modern Girl in the
现代印度女性
I920s and I930s  1920 年代和 1930 年代

PRITI RAMAMURTHY  普丽蒂·拉马穆尔西

In the i920s and i930s, Sulochana, Queen of the Screen and Star of the Stars, lived life big and boldly as a cinema actress in Bombay, then a cosmopolitan, vibrant, and growing metropolis. A Modern Girl, Sulochana was sexy and provocative; she was long-limbed (or made to look so) and sported bobbed hair, dark lipstick, mascara, and long, painted nails. At times she wore Western-style dresses, pants, hats, and shoes (figure 7.I) and at others she wore saris, Indian-style jewels and braids (figure 7.2). Enormously popular (lokpriya), Sulochana was Indian cinema’s first “sex symbol,” the "girl all men would want to love. ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} Newspapers and film magazines featured photographs and stories about her, especially her passionate on and off screen romance with the actor Dinshaw Bilimoria. Sulochana’s name wasemblazoned on theater marquees and her image circulated widely via autographed studio shots, postcards, and advertisements for soaps and cosmetics. In 1926, her life story was made into a film, Telephone ni Taruni (Telephone Girl), and in 1934 she acted in another film, the eponymous Sulochana. She drove around in a white Bentley (and later the slinkiest of Chevrolets) and earned the princely sum of five thousand rupees per month - more than the British colonial governor general of
在 1920 年代和 1930 年代,苏洛查娜,银幕女王和明星之星,以孟买当时这个多元文化、生气勃勃、不断发展的大都会为舞台,大胆地作为一名电影女演员度过了她的生活。作为一个"现代女性",苏洛查娜性感而富有魅力;她有着修长的四肢(或被制造成看起来如此)和一头短发,涂着深色的口红、睫毛膏和涂满指甲的长指甲。有时她穿着西式的连衣裙、裤子、帽子和鞋子(图 7.1),有时又穿着纱丽、印度式的珠宝和辫子(图 7.2)。极其受欢迎(lokpriya),苏洛查娜是印度电影界的第一位"性感偶像",也就是"所有男人都想爱的女孩"。报纸和电影杂志上都刊登着她的照片和故事,尤其是她与演员 Dinshaw Bilimoria 在银幕内外的热恋。苏洛查娜的名字被写在了电影院的招牌上,她的形象通过签名的演播室照片、明信片以及肥皂和化妆品的广告到处流传。1926 年,她的生平故事被改编成了电影<电话女>(Telephone ni Taruni),1934 年她又主演了另一部同名电影<苏洛查娜>。她开着一辆白色的本特利轿车(后来换成最新型的雪佛莱轿车),月薪高达 5000 卢比,比英国殖民总督更高。

7.I Studio portrait of Sulochana dressed in Western suit and hat. National Film Archive of India.
苏洛卡娜身穿西式西装和帽子的工作室肖像照。印度国家电影档案馆。

Bombay. Between 1925, when she started acting, and 1937, Sulochana made fifty-two movies, of which many were bax affice (box office) hits. Adoring fans ined the streets for hours to get a glimpse of her; they showered her with gifts and pursued her with offers of marriage. Nonetheless, “lonely and forgotten” Sulochana died in relative obscurity in $1983.{}^2$$1983.{}^2$1983.^(2)1983 .{ }^{2}
孟买。在 1925 年开始演艺生涯到 1937 年期间,Sulochana 拍摄了 52 部电影,其中许多是票房大卖。崇拜的粉丝们在街头排队数小时,只为一睹她的芳容;他们向她送上礼物,并不断求婚。然而,"孤独和被遗忘"的 Sulochana 在相对默默无闻的情况下去世。
There is, to my knowledge, no scholarly study of Sulochana nor of the many other sitaras, starlets of the silent movies and early talkies in India who became well-loved symbols of modernity in the 19205 and 1930s. Popular film histories, which usually begin by gesturing to Sulochana and the many other sitaras, contend that they were displaced for quite simple reasons: with the coming of sound in 193 I, actresses who couldn’t speak Hindustani-a syncretic mixture of Hindi and Urdu which became the most widely used language of film in India - no longer had a role to play. ${}^3$${}^3$^(3){ }^{3} By the late 1930 s they were replaced
据我所知,没有对 Sulochana 或其他许多静默电影和早期有声电影中的明星们的学术研究。这些明星在 20 世纪 20 年代和 30 年代成为了现代性的广受喜爱的象征。通常从提及 Sulochana 和其他明星开始的流行电影史认为,她们之所以被取代是由于很简单的原因:1931 年声音电影的出现,那些无法说流利印度斯坦语(印地语和乌尔都语的混合体,成为印度电影中广泛使用的语言)的女演员再也没有角色可以扮演。到了 20 世纪 30 年代末,她们被取代了。

7.2 Studio portrait of Sulochana dressed in Indian sari, bindi, and braids. National Film Archive of India.
苏洛曲娜身穿印度纱丽,戴有宝石装饰,编着长辫子的肖像照。印度国家电影档案馆。
by actresses who not only spoke Indian languages as their mother tongues but were more “cultured,” educated, and professionally trained, actresses like Devika Rani, the grand-niece of the famous Nobel laureate and Indian nationalist leader Rabindranath Tagore. So convincing is this narrative that in popular film histories it is Devika Rani who is fondly remembered as “the first lady of the Indian screen,” even though twelve years prior to her debut in 1933 another sitara, Patience Cooper, had been the first Indian woman to act in an Indian film. ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4} What accounts for such profound cultural forgetfulness? Why and how were some women marginalized while others were elevated to the status of national icons? What are the stakes in asking these questions today? What could feminist scholars gain from studies of the Modern Girl in India?
由不仅以母语讲印度语言,而且更"文化修养"、受过教育和专业培训的女演员主演的。这些女演员包括德维卡·拉尼,她是著名诺贝尔奖获得者和印度民族主义领袖拉宾德拉纳特·泰戈尔的大侄女。这个叙事如此令人信服,以至于在流行的电影史中,德维卡·拉尼被温情脉脉地称为"印度银幕上的第一夫人",尽管在她 1933 年首次出演之前 12 年,另一名演员帕蒂恩丝·库珀就已经成为印度第一位在印度电影中饰演角色的女性。 ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4} 这种深深的文化遗忘是什么原因?为什么有些女性被边缘化,而其他人则被提升为国家象征?今天提出这些问题有什么意义?女性主义学者从对印度"现代女性"的研究中能得到什么?

In this chapter I address these questions by studying the Indian Modern Girl, especially the sitaras of early film and the identities of womanhood they inhabited and represented. The Indian Modern Girl of the 1920S and 1930s offers new insights on the relationship between gender, nationalism, and modernity in the crucial years prior to India’s freedom from British colonialism in 1.947. In the process of nation building, nationalism in India had to define Indianness, represent the nation symbolically and linguistically, and garner ideological support to mobilize large numbers of people for anticolonial political action. Like other nationalisms, it did this by constituting the Indian nation through gender difference and constructing normative notions of femininity (and masculinity) through forms of national belonging. ${}^5$${}^5$^(5){ }^{5} Often, nationalisms appeal to invented “traditions” to assert difference and inspire feelings of belonging, but insofar as nationalism is a form of modernity, nationalism in the colonies had simultaneously to assert its difference from Western modernity, which was, after all, the modernity of the colonizers. In India, the struggle to reconcile the desirable aspects of Western modernity with the need to assert Indian difference was addressed through processes of gendering." The Modern Girl in India is one example of these processes of gendering. Through her identity, women negotiated what it meant to be modern women and Indian in the 1920s and 1930 s.
在本章中,我通过研究印度现代女性,特别是早期电影中的"明星女性",以及她们所表征和代表的女性身份,来解决这些问题。1920 年代和 1930 年代的印度现代女性为理解性别、民族主义和现代性之间的关系在 1947 年印度获得独立前的关键时期提供了新的见解。在民族建设的过程中,印度的民族主义需要定义"印度性",以符号和语言的方式代表这个国家,并获得意识形态支持来动员大量人民参与反殖民的政治行动。与其他民族主义一样,印度民族主义也是通过性别差异来建构印度民族,并通过民族归属感构建规范化的女性气质(和男性气质)。通常,民族主义会诉诸被发明的"传统"来主张差异并唤起归属感,但是,作为一种现代性形式,殖民地的民族主义必须同时主张与西方现代性的区别,后者实际上就是殖民者的现代性。在印度,如何协调西方现代性的可取方面与需要主张印度差异的要求,就是通过性别建构的过程来解决的。印度的现代女性就是这一性别建构过程的一个例子。通过她们的身份认同,女性协商了在 1920 年代和 1930 年代如何成为现代女性和印度女性。
By retrieving the history of sitaras, I trace how the actresses of early film creatively appropriated, engaged with, and challenged Western modernity. This exercise of retrieval simultaneously clarifies how the boundaries of difference - gender and racial difference, in particular - became defined and solidified in the cause of modern nationalism in India. It reveals a struggle over how women could (and could not) be symbolized and represented in the process of enunciating the nation-in-the-making. As we will see, this struggle and the eventual hegemony of nationalism expressed around the Modern Girl came about through the coming together - the articulation - of quite unexpected and contradictory forces. ${}^7$${}^7$^(7){ }^{7}
通过追溯西塔拉斯的历史,我追踪了早期电影女演员如何创造性地采用、参与和挑战西方现代性。这种追溯行为同时阐明了差异的边界——特别是性别和种族差异如何在现代印度民族主义的推动下被定义和巩固。它揭示了在阐述正在形成的民族过程中,女性如何(和不能)被象征和表征的斗争。正如我们将看到的,这种斗争和围绕现代女性而出现的民族主义霸权,是由一些出人意料和矛盾的力量汇集在一起而形成的。

Furthermore, the chapter deploys the Modern Girl as a heuristic device to question the continuing nationalist bias in the writing of popular history today. Nationalist hegemonies, in common with other hegemonies, are defined in struggle and are always rather fragile; maintaining them takes continuous cultural work which endures into the present. I argue that the historical eclipsing of the Indian Modern Girl is an effect of an all-consuming nationalism in two senses: as a historical process that provided a dynamic space for some Indian women to be modern actors in the 1920 and 1930 but eventually shored up a hegemonic nationalism, and as a continuing tendency in popular film histories to eclipse these alternative and more complex stories about gender, nationalism, and modernity. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the import of these findings for feminists and feminist historiography.
此外,本章利用现代女孩作为启发性的工具,质疑当今流行历史写作中持续存在的民族主义偏见。民族主义霸权,与其他霸权一样,是在斗争中定义的,一直相当脆弱;维护它们需要持续的文化工作,持续到今天。我认为,印度现代女孩的历史被遮蔽,是两种意义上的民族主义吞噬的结果:作为一个历史过程,为某些印度女性提供了在 1920 年代和 1930 年代成为现代行动者的动态空间,但最终巩固了一种霸权民族主义;以及流行电影史继续掩盖这些关于性别、民族主义和现代性的替代性和更复杂的故事的持续倾向。本章以对这些研究结果对女权主义和女权主义史学的重要意义的讨论作为结尾。

The first cinema show was held in Bombay in 1896, a few months after its introduction in Paris, to packed houses, including special sections for ladies in purdah (domestic seclusion). Shortly thereafter Indian businessmen imported films and set up cinema tents in the major cities; they also sent touring cinemas to small towns and villages. Films started to be produced in India in 1912, and the industry grew rapidly in the 1920 . More than thirteen hundred silent films were produced from 1912 to 193 I , when the first talkie was released. Hindustani became the lingua franca of “national” Indian film, in a subcontinent with sixteen major regional languages. During the 1930s, many of the most popular silent movies were remade as talkies. Due to the high cost of converting cinema houses for sound projection, silent movies were shown alongside talkies throughout the r930s. Unfortunately, only a handful of these early silent films and talkies survived. The bulk of them were “photographed and printed on highly combustible nitrate-based stock and has [sic] either gone up in flames in warehouse fires or crumbled to dust in rusty old cans in forgotten lofts.” ${}^8$${}^8$^(8){ }^{8} Nevertheless, synopses of the films have been compiled by film scholars, and I rely on them here."
第一个电影放映于 1896 年在孟买举行,比它在巴黎的引入只早几个月,受到了拥挤的观众,包括为穿帕罗衣的女士设置的特殊区域。不久后,印度商人引进了电影,并在主要城市设立了电影帐篷;他们还将电影巡回放映到小城镇和村庄。1912 年开始在印度生产电影,该行业在 20 年代快速发展。从 1912 年到 1931 年,制作了超过 1300 部无声电影,直到第一部有声电影问世。在拥有 16 种主要地区语言的次大陆上,印地语成为"国家"印度电影的通用语言。20 世纪 30 年代,许多最受欢迎的无声电影被改编为有声电影。由于改装电影院以便进行声音放映的高成本,20 世纪 30 年代,无声电影和有声电影一直并存。不幸的是,只有少数这些早期无声电影和有声电影幸存了下来。大部分都是"使用高度易燃的硝酸盐胶片制作和印刷的,要么在仓库大火中付之一炬,要么在被遗忘的阁楼中化为灰尘"。但电影学者已经编纂了这些电影的简介,我在此依赖于他们的研究。
My research on sitaras focuses on actresses who worked for the major film studios - Imperial, Kohinoor, Madan, Ranjit, and Sharada - in Bombay, Poona, and Calcutta in the r920s and I930s. By the late 1920 s, in response to the newly created identity of “cinema fan,” film stars were photographed for newspapers and magazines, contests were held to judge the most popular film star, and a market for signed studio photos and postcards thrived. The stars themselves were widely gossiped about. They responded in signed and “anonymous” articles and letters. ${}^{10}$${}^{10}$^(10){ }^{10} This chapter draws on photographs and secondary
我对电影演员的研究集中在 20 世纪 20 年代和 30 年代在孟买、浦那和加尔各答的主要电影制作公司——Imperial、Kohinoor、Madan、Ranjit 和 Sharada 工作的女演员。到 20 世纪 20 年代后期,为了迎合"电影迷"这一新兴身份,电影明星被报纸和杂志拍摄,评选最受欢迎的电影明星的比赛也开展起来,有关签名的工作室照片和明信片也开始盛行。这些明星本人也成为了广为流传的新闻谈资,他们也通过签名和"匿名"的文章和信件作出回应。 ${}^{10}$${}^{10}$^(10){ }^{10}
materials collected in the National Film Archive of India, Pune, and sitara biographies pieced together from the scholarship of film historians. ${}^{11}$${}^{11}$^(11){ }^{11}
国家电影档案馆收集的材料,普纳,以及由电影史学家的研究拼凑而成的明星传记。 ${}^{11}$${}^{11}$^(11){ }^{11}
A rich primary resource for this chapter was the Indian Cinematographic Committee’s report of $1928.{}^{12}$$1928.{}^{12}$1928.^(12)1928 .{ }^{12} The committee was set up by the British colonial government to address its concern about the declining popularity of British films in comparison to Hollywood and with the effect of Hollywood’s vulgar depictions of white women on Indian audiences. Based on an extensive survey and interviews with hundreds of fans, actors and actresses, film directors, distributors, journalists, and concerned citizens, some of which are excerpted verbatim, the ICC Report provided me with a treasure trove of material on the Modern Girl and early Indian cinema.
这一章的主要资源是印度电影委员会的报告 $1928.{}^{12}$$1928.{}^{12}$1928.^(12)1928 .{ }^{12} 。该委员会由英国殖民政府成立,目的是应对英国电影在印度观众中日益失欣的问题,以及好莱坞对白人女性的低俗描述对印度观众的影响。该报告根据广泛的调查和数百名影迷、演员和导演、发行商、记者以及关注者的访谈(部分原文摘录),为我提供了大量有关现代女性和早期印度电影的资料。

I have relied, as well, on primary materials from two of the most widely circulated English newspapers, The Statesman and the Times of India, and, in particular, a magazine, the Illustrated Weekly of India, for the period $1920-$$1920-$1920-1920- 42. ${}^{13}$${}^{13}$^(13){ }^{13} Although these papers and magazines were mainly read by British and Indian English-educated elites, they contained numerous photographs and film and commodity advertisements which relied heavily on visual cues and thus were probably looked at by those who were not fluent in English. Moreover, the magazines were certainly read aloud to non-English speakers. The Illustrated Weekly regularly printed commentaries by and about Indian cinema stars, as well as snippets on Hollywood, European, and other foreign stars. Columns offering fashion, sports, and beauty tips were a regular feature, and the magazine ran cinema, beauty, and photography contests. In fact, the Illustrated Weekly was praised by Sulochana for supporting “the cause of the Indian film industry” when “very few other journals of standing have given any such support.” ${}^{14}$${}^{14}$^(14){ }^{14}
我也依赖了两家最广泛传播的英文报纸《旗手报》和《印度时报》,以及特别是一本杂志《印度画报》,涉及时间范围是 $1920-$$1920-$1920-1920- 42 年。 ${}^{13}$${}^{13}$^(13){ }^{13} 尽管这些报纸和杂志主要由英国和受英语教育的印度精英阶层阅读,但它们包含了大量依赖视觉线索的照片和电影以及商品广告,因此很可能也被不会说英语的人观看。此外,这些杂志也经常被朗读给不会说英语的人听。《印度画报》定期刊登有关印度电影明星的评论,也有关于好莱坞、欧洲和其他外国明星的小片段。提供时尚、体育和美容建议的专栏也是固定内容,杂志还举办电影、美容和摄影比赛。事实上,《印度画报》受到苏洛查娜的赞赏,她认为它在"很少有其他有地位的杂志给予这种支持"的情况下维护了"印度电影工业的事业"。 ${}^{14}$${}^{14}$^(14){ }^{14}

In the 1920s and r930s, going to the cinema was a popular activity in India. Working classes in the metropolises and Indian and European elites all viewed films in the cinema halls that proliferated from colonial city centers to the suburbs and to the neighborhoods where industrial workers lived. Indian middleclass women, formally in domestic seclusion, filled the zenana or “women only” sections of the growing number of movie halls. Cinema halls were thus places that were shared across the differences of class, race, religion, and gender. How movies were experienced by these diverse audiences may have varied considerably. Anxieties about this open-endedness of film led to the demand for censorship, as we will see.
在 1920 年代和 1930 年代,观影是印度普遍的活动。大城市的工人阶级以及印度和欧洲的精英人士都在殖民城市中心到郊区以及工人居住的社区不断增加的影院里观看电影。正式处于家庭隔离状态的印度中产阶级妇女也挤满了不断增长的电影院的"女性专区"。因此,影院成为跨越阶层、种族、宗教和性别差异的共享之地。这些不同观众的影片观影体验可能差异很大。对这种开放性的焦虑导致了对审查制度的要求,这一点我们将在后面看到。

Cinema audiences had a choice of Hollywood, British, and Indian films. “As
电影院观众可以选择好莱坞、英国和印度电影。
regards the relative popularity of Indian and Western films there is no doubt that the great majority of Indian audiences prefer Indian films,” the ICC Report concluded. ${}^{15}$${}^{15}$^(15){ }^{15} The earliest Indian films were “historicals” and “mythologicals”: they reworked stories of the past and of gods and goddesses to create a historical and imaginative self-consciousness of something “Indian,” native not foreign. By the mid-r920s, however, another genre of films, “socials,” had become popular. It is a subsection of socials, movies with “worldly and wicked themes,” which I propose to identify as Modern Girl movies. ${}^{16}$${}^{16}$^(16){ }^{16} Modern Girl movies included Cinema ki Rani (Queen of Cinema), 1925; Typist Girl (also called Why I Became a Christian), 1925; Vamp, 1926; Telephone ni taruni (Telephone Girl), 1926; Bambai ki Bili (Wildcat of Bombay), 1927; Indira B.A., 1929; Gunasundari (also called Why Husbands Go Astray), 1934; Cinema Girl, 1930; Daily Mail, 1930; The Wronged Wife, 1930; The Enchantress, 1930; A Woman’s Vengeance, 1930; Miss 1933, 1933; Indira M.A., 1934; and The President, 1937. Describing how they were different from mythologicals, a commentator in the Times of India wrote, “So ancient heroes and serene goddesses are for the future to be replaced by vamps and bucket-shop men, and instead of battle and sudden death there will be beauty and badinage. It is a thoroughly reasonable experiment since battles are tedious things, and if Bombay demands vamps and golden haired home-breakers as a relaxation, it may as well have some homegrown ones.” ${}^{17}$${}^{17}$^(17){ }^{17}
关于印度和西方电影的相对流行度,毋庸置疑,绝大多数印度观众更喜欢印度电影,"ICC 报告总结道。最早的印度电影是"历史剧"和"神话剧":它们重塑了过去的故事和神明女神,创造了一种"印度"的历史和想象意识,是本土而非外来的。然而到了 20 世纪 20 年代中期,另一种电影类型"社会剧"变得流行起来。其中有一个分支是"含有世俗和邪恶主题"的电影,我将它们确定为"现代女孩电影"。现代女孩电影包括 1925 年的《电影之后》、1925 年的《打字女孩》(也被称为《我为什么成为基督徒》)、1926 年的《尤物》、1926 年的《电话女郎》、1927 年的《孟买的猫儿》、1929 年的《英达拉 B.A.》、1934 年的《古娜善达丽》(也称为《为什么丈夫会出轨》)、1930 年的《电影女孩》、1930 年的《每日邮报》、1930 年的《受害的妻子》、1930 年的《魅惑者》、1930 年的《一个女人的复仇》、1933 年的《1933 小姐》、1934 年的《英达拉 M.A.》以及 1937 年的《总统》。一位《印度时报》的评论家描述了这些电影与神话剧的不同之处:"所以古代英雄和宁静的女神将来要被尤物和不法分子所取代,取而代之的将是美丽与俏皮话,而不再是战斗和突然死亡。这是一个非常合理的尝试,因为战斗是乏味的事情,如果孟买市民需要尤物和金发的破坏家庭者作为放松,那就让他们有一些本土出品的吧。"
Indian film historians have failed to recognize how important Modern Girl movies were to representing and recasting the possibilities for modern women in India. In them women were the protagonists who explored the complexities of modernity facing middle-class households by questioning and transgressing gender boundaries. Many featured rebellious, even libidinous wives, who portrayed new relationships with in-laws and husbands, demanding that they share in housework, for instance. Women exercised individual autonomy and the freedom to choose partners; they rejected the authority of older brothers, uncles, and fathers. In the process, they reinvented what it meant to be sister, daughter, wife, and daughter-in-law. “Love” marriages, heterosexual romance, and overt female sexuality were all celebrated in these films. So was kissing, as this exchange between a prominent newspaper editor and the ICC reveals:
印度电影历史学家未能认识到现代女孩电影对于表现和重塑印度现代妇女可能性的重要性。在这些电影中,女性是主角,通过质疑和超越性别界限,探索面临中产阶级家庭的现代性复杂性。许多影片都描述了叛逆的、甚至多情的妻子,她们展现了与家人的新关系,要求丈夫分担家务劳动。女性行使了个人自主权和选择伴侣的自由,她们拒绝了年长兄弟、叔叔和父亲的权威。在这个过程中,她们重塑了作为姐妹、女儿、妻子和媳妇的意义。这些电影都庆祝了"恋爱"婚姻、异性恋浪漫和公开的女性性。这一情节也体现在一位著名报纸编辑与 ICC 之间的这次交谈中。

Q: With regard to kissing, do Indians not kiss?
关于亲吻,印度人不亲吻吗?
A: Not in public anyway.
不过公开场合还是不好。
Q: Most of the scenes shown on the screen are scenes from private lives. If you are going to debar that and love scenes from Indian pictures, are you not taking away the pith of the picture?
大多数在屏幕上展示的场景都是来自私人生活的场景。如果你要禁止这些内容,只留下印度电影中的爱情场景,这不就失去了这部电影的核心吗?

A: I do not say take away the love scenes . . Kissing may be here and there, but not indiscriminate kissing. You have got the long kiss, the prolonged kiss, the hot kiss, the soft kiss, all sorts of kisses. ${}^{18}$${}^{18}$^(18){ }^{18}
我不是说要删除爱情场景。。可以有这里那里的亲吻,但不要过多的亲吻。你有长吻、绵长的亻吻、热吻、柔和的亻吻,各种亻吻。 ${}^{18}$${}^{18}$^(18){ }^{18}

Kissing in Modern Girl movies is significant in the history of Indian cinema because later, from the 1940S until the 1990S, it was deemed inappropriate and entirely prohibited.
在现代女性电影中的亲吻在印度电影史上很重要,因为此后从 1940 年代到 1990 年代,这被视为不恰当并完全禁止。

Not only were heterosexual romance and amorous desire commonplace but Modern Girl films featured vamps and prostitutes who were morally ambiguous heroines rather than villains. In others, the fluidity of gender was explored through women masquerading in multiple roles, some of which were traditionally male. In Wild Cat of Bombay (1927), for example, Sulochana played a medical student and a mysterious do-gooding criminal who performed eight roles, including those of policeman and European blond. In Modern Girl movies, women accessed modern institutions - educational, juridical, and administrative - to explore the world outside their homes and to demand social justice. College girls (kallege ladki) were at the center of several movies, usually enmeshed in complicated love-triangles. “Night clubs . . Turkish Baths . . . College Life of Girls” reads an ad for Telephone Girl that appeared in the Times of India in 1927. The Sulochana silent-movie hit Indira, B.A. (1929) about a college girl was so popular it was remade as a talkie, Indira, M.A. (1934). Several movies were about women who were employed in new urban professions, those of cinema star, telephone operator, typist, teacher, and doctor; one was even the president of a textile mill! In short, in Modern Girl films women were convincingly modern, they lived in a metropolitan world, they were members of a cosmopolitan set, and they partook in the institutions and pleasures of modern life, whether commercial employment or heterosexual romance, at college, in the city, or at the cinema. This was so much the case that often the radical disruption caused by women breaking gender codes and transgressing conventional social norms was contained, within the narrative of the films, by having Modern Girl heroines meet a violent end, a common motif in Modern Girl films around the world.
异性恋浪漫和情欲在当时并不罕见,摩登女郎电影中也出现了具有道德模棱两可的女主角,而非传统意义上的反派。在某些电影中,通过女性扮演多重角色,包括传统上属于男性的角色,探索了性别流动性。例如,在《孟买野猫》(1927 年)中,Sulochana 扮演了医学生和一位神秘善良的罪犯,分别饰演警察和金发欧洲人等八个角色。在摩登女郎电影中,女性进入了教育、司法和行政等现代机构,探索了家庭以外的世界,并要求社会正义。几部电影的主角都是大学生,通常陷入复杂的爱情三角。电影广告也提到了"夜总会、土耳其浴室、女大学生的生活"等内容。著名的无声电影《学士女郎印迪拉》(1929 年)后来还拍摄成了有声版本《印迪拉硕士》(1934 年)。许多电影中的女性从事着新兴的城市职业,如电影明星、电话接线员、打字员、教师和医生,甚至还有一个女性工厂厂长。总之,摩登女郎电影中的女性展现出了自己的现代性,他们生活在大都市环境中,参与着各种现代生活,无论是商业就业还是异性恋关系,都发生在学校、城市和电影院等场所。但是,这种女性颠覆传统性别规范的激进行为在影片中通常会被控制住,即女主角最终遭遇悲惨的命运,这也是摩登女郎电影中的一个常见主题。
Modern Girl films trafficked in global notions of modern womanhood and so too the sitaras who acted in them. The actresses, particularly their bodies, were a dense node of multidirectional citation. ${}^{19}$${}^{19}$^(19){ }^{19} The Indian Modern Girl’s predication in English through general terms like “romance ki rani” (romance queen) and “college ladki” (college girl) speaks to this borrowing. Particular stars also acquired English prefixes, as in “Glorious” Gohar, “Sultry” Sultana, “Loveable” Shahzadi, and “Talkie Queen” Zubeida. Many of the photographs of Modern Girl cinema stars in the Illustrated Weekly were of them in London,
现代女孩电影涉及全球现代女性观念,演员们也是如此。这些女星,尤其是她们的身体,是多方引用的节点。印度现代女孩通过"romance ki rani"(浪漫女王)和"college ladki"(大学女生)等通用术语在英语中被定义,这反映了这种借鉴。一些明星也获得了英语前缀,如"Glorious"Gohar、"Sultry"Sultana、"Loveable"Shahzadi 和"Talkie Queen"Zubeida。《Illustrated Weekly》上现代女孩电影明星的许多照片都是在伦敦拍摄的。

7.3 “Stars from East and West”: Newsphoto of Seeta Devi with Pola Negri in Paris. Illustrated Weekly of India, 1930.
7.3 "来自东方和西方的明星"：塞塔·德维与波拉·内格里在巴黎的新闻照片。《印度周报》，1930 年。
7.4 Studio portrait of Patience Cooper with bobbed hair and kiss curl autographed in 1933 . National Film Archive of India.
1933 年帕蒂恩·库珀留短发和鬓角的肖像照。印度国家电影档案馆。

Paris, the United States, Russia, China, and Japan, as, for example, in an image of the actress Seeta Devi with the American movie star Pola Negri (figure 7.3). In another news report covering her trip to Europe in 1929, Seeta Devi was identified as “the brightest star in the Indian cinema world” with “millions” of followers in England, Germany, Poland, and Austria. ${}^{20}$${}^{20}$^(20){ }^{20} Patience Cooper even won a beauty contest in England. ${}^{21}$${}^{21}$^(21){ }^{21} And Sulochana was extolled as the “Ideal of Womanhood . . . Beauty combined with youth and flavored with Intelligence,” comparable to the Venus of Milo, “a universal Ideal of womanhood . . . recognizable by every member of a European, American, or Indian nation.” ${}^{22}$${}^{22}$^(22){ }^{22}
巴黎、美国、俄罗斯、中国和日本,例如在一张演员 Seeta Devi 与美国电影明星 Pola Negri 的照片中(图 7.3)。在另一篇报道中,Seeta Devi 的 1929 年欧洲之行被描述为"印度电影界最耀眼的明星",在英国、德国、波兰和奥地利拥有"数以百万计"的追随者。 ${}^{20}$${}^{20}$^(20){ }^{20} 帕丽娜·库珀甚至在英国赢得了一次美容比赛。 ${}^{21}$${}^{21}$^(21){ }^{21} 而 Sulochana 被誉为"女性理想……美貌与青春相结合,充满智慧",可与米洛的维纳斯相媲美,"一个为欧洲、美国或印度各国人所公认的女性理想形象"。 ${}^{22}$${}^{22}$^(22){ }^{22}
It was through multidirectional citation that Modern Girl actresses referenced aesthetic regimes from elsewhere. The familiar and global body aesthetics of Modern Girls the world over are recognizable in a studio shot of Patience Cooper, with her bobbed hair, kiss curl, plucked eyebrows, and bold lipstick (figure 7-4). In another image, Patience Cooper was posed lying sexily on a couch, with her arm raised in the angular " Z " reminiscent of depilatory cream ads (figure 7.5). ${}^{23}$${}^{23}$^(23){ }^{23} Often, the Modern Girl was depicted romancing in intimate, heterosexual love scenes (figure 7.6), or she appeared in scenes where she gazed deeply into the hero’s eyes, her lips close to his. In another still, from the movie Indira, M.A., Sulochana displayed an androgynous look, dressed in
通过多方引用,现代女孩演员参考了其他地方的美学体系。全世界现代女孩熟悉且全球通用的身体美学在一张帕蒂恩丝·库珀的工作室照片中可以识别出来,她有一头波波头、飞机头、修剪过的眉毛和大胆的口红 (图 7-4)。在另一张图像中,帕蒂恩丝·库珀被摆 pose 躺在沙发上,举起手臂形成一个"Z"字型,让人联想到脱毛霜广告(图 7.5)。 ${}^{23}$${}^{23}$^(23){ }^{23} 通常,现代女孩会出现在亲密的异性恋爱场景中(图 7.6),或是凝视英雄的眼睛,嘴唇靠近他。在电影《印度拉,MA》中的另一张照片中,苏洛卡娜展现了一种中性的造型,穿着

7.5 Studio portrait of Patience Cooper lounging with arm raised in " $Z$$Z$ZZ " pose. National Film Archive of India.
耐心·库珀正身穿" $Z$$Z$ZZ "造型悠闲地躺在摄影棚中。印度国家电影档案馆。
7.6 Film still of Sulochana romancing with Dinshaw Billimoria in Bambai ki Billie (Wildcat of Bombay, 1936). National Film Archive of India.
苏洛卡娜和丁沙乌·比利莫里亚在电影《孟买的小野猫》(1936 年)中的亲吻镜头。印度国家电影档案馆。
a masculine suit and posed in front of that international symbol of modernity, a motor car. ,
一套男式西服,站在那个现代性的国际象征,一辆汽车前。

Popular current Indian film histories read these narrative and visual representations as Modern Girl cinema stars mimicking Hollywood “in mannerisms and appearance.” ${}^{24}$${}^{24}$^(24){ }^{24} B. D. Garga writes, “The imitation of Hollywood permeated most aspects of Indian film production, the star myth included. If in Hollywood, ‘America’s sweetheart,’ Mary Pickford initiated the star era, in India, it began with the beautiful Sulochana . . . With her mercurial charm she could slip under any skin at will, be it that of Theda Bara, Lillian Gish or Pola Negri.” ${}^{25}$${}^{25}$^(25){ }^{25} However, the “Hollywood look” the Indian Modern Girl was ostensibly imitating was itself global, as aesthetic styles, designers, and commodities crisscrossed the world appropriating and reconfiguring elements from all over. ${}^{26}$${}^{26}$^(26){ }^{26} Moreover, the recognizably internationalized image of the Indian Modern Girl existed side by side with representations that were more hybrid. In a studio portrait of Sulochana (figure 7.2), for instance, the plucked eyebrows and painted lips and nails were combined with the bindi (the dot on the forehead that signifies women as Hindu), pearl bangles, and dangling earrings, and the short bobbed hair was replaced by long braids arranged around her head. In a studio shot of “Glorious” Gohar (figure 7.7), her bobbed hair, large eyes, and mascara-laden eyelashes referenced Clara Bow, the famous American movie star widely acknowledged as the “It” girl, but the sari, bindi, and pearls were from a visually Indian cultural palette. Similarly, in a studio shot of the sultry Jahanara Kajjan (see figure 7.8), whose "spectacular beauty was her wealth, ${}^{\prime 27}$${}^{\prime 27}$^('27){ }^{\prime 27} the actress wore makeup, mascara, finely shaped lips, and bobbed hair but even though she wore no bindi (her name reveals she is Muslim), her sari and nose ring signified her aesthetic hybridity, neither purely Western nor purely Indian.
当前流行的印度电影历史文献将这些叙事和视觉表述视为"现代女性电影明星"模仿好莱坞的"举止和外表"。B. D. Garga 写道:"对好莱坞的模仿渗透到印度电影制作的大多数方面,包括明星神话。如果在好莱坞,'美国的宠儿'玛丽·皮克福德开启了明星时代,那么在印度,这始于美丽的苏洛查娜……她拥有天赋般的魅力,可以随意化装成西奥达·芭拉、莉莲·吉什或波拉·内格丽。"然而,印度"现代女性"试图模仿的"好莱坞派头"本身就是一种全球性的美学风格,因为设计师和商品在世界各地流通,并吸收和重塑来自各地的元素。此外,印度"现代女性"的国际化形象与更混合的表征并存。在苏洛查娜的一张工作室肖像(图 7.2)中,她的眉毛修剪、涂抹的双唇和指甲与代表印度女性 Hindu 的 bindi (额头上的点)、珠宝手镯和垂坠的耳环相结合,短发还被长辫环绕。在"美丽"戈哈尔(图 7.7)的一张工作室照片中,她的短发、大眼睛和浓重的睫毛画法致敬了被誉为"魅力女郎"的著名美国影星克拉拉·鲍,但她身上的沙丽、bindi 和珍珠却来自视觉上的印度文化语汇。同样,在官能诱惑的贾阿娜拉·卡贾(见图 7.8)的一张工作室照片中,这位女演员身穿化妆、涂抹睫毛膏、丰满嘴唇和短发,尽管她没有戴 bindi(她的名字透露她是穆斯林),但她的沙丽和鼻环传达了她的美学杂糅,既非纯粹的西方也非纯粹的印度。
The Indian Modern Girl was particularly innovative in the creativity she brought to sari and sari-blouse wear. At a time when most middle-class urban women wore saris that reflected regional specificity (as in figure 7.9), the Modern Girl was innovative and cosmopolitan. In fashioning herself she absorbed, mingled, and transformed several styles - modern and “traditional,” Western, East “Asian” and Indian. Her stylish attire cut across religious signifiers as well. Saris were draped, often Parsee style, over the right shoulder not the left and clipped into place with fancy jeweled brooches (see figures 7.4 and 7.5). Sari blouses were sleeveless (see figure 7.2), “cut-outs,” or, on occasion, trimmed with frills and flounces, even, sometimes (as in The President for the young and unmarried woman who played the tough cotton mill owner) with shirt collars! The material of the saris was sensual, trendy, often imported - see-through georgette, crepe-de-chine, silk-voile, and chiffon with sari blouses in lace (see
现代印度女性在诠释纱丽和纱丽-上衣方面尤其富有创意。在大多数中产阶级城市女性穿着反映地域特色的纱丽(如图 7.9 所示)的时候,现代女性呈现出创新和世界性。在塑造自我形象时,她吸收、融合并转化了多种风格——现代的和"传统的"、西方的、东"亚"的以及印度的。她时髦的服饰也跨越了宗教符号。纱丽常常以帕西风格穿在右肩上而非左肩,并用华丽的珠宝胸针别住(见图 7.4 和 7.5)。纱丽上衣无袖(见图 7.2)、"镂空"或偶尔饰有褶皱和荷叶边,有时(如在"年轻未婚女厂主"的形象中)还有衬衫领!纱丽的面料感性时尚,常常是进口的——见透的纱绸、雪纺、真丝纱和带有蕾丝的雪纺上衣(见

7.7 Studio portrait of Gohar with Clara Bow-like mascara, dressed in Indian sari and pearls. National Film Archive of India.
哥哈尔穿着印度纱丽和珍珠的工作室肖像,带有类似克拉拉·鲍的眼线。印度国家电影档案馆。
7.8 Studio portrait of Jahanara Kajjan with bobbed hair, nose ring, and lace sari blouse. National Film Archive of India
贾哈娜拉·卡杰安的工作室肖像,有瓦波发型、鼻环和蕾丝纱丽上衣。印度国家影片档案馆

Women volunireses parading in the cloth market, ates in Bombay and urging the
妇女自愿者在克罗布市场游行,在孟买呼吁
7.9 News photo of women in the anticolonial movement picketing foreign cloth shops in Bombay. Illustrated Weekly of India, 1930.
7.9 印度《画报周刊》1930 年的一张反殖民运动中,妇女在孟买抗议外国布料店的新闻照片。

As importantly, the Indian Modern Girl was visually distinguishable from another recasting of women in the colonial period, the archetypical New Woman. Iconized as the spiritual, self-sacrificing bearer of a higher capacity to withstand pain, especially that of British aggression, the New Woman fought in the nonviolent, anticolonial struggle. She expressed her agency on the streets protesting foreign consumption, especially of cloth and foreign fashion (see figure 7.9). ${}^{30}$${}^{30}$^(30){ }^{30} Conversely, the Modern Girl embraced and reworked fashions from elsewhere.
同样重要的是,印度现代女性在视觉上与殖民时期另一种女性形象--标准新女性有所区别。新女性被塑造成具有更高忍受痛苦能力,尤其是英国侵略造成的痛苦的精神自我牺牲者。她在非暴力的反殖民斗争中表达了自己的力量,在街头抗议外国消费商品,尤其是布料和外国时尚(见图 7.9)。相反,现代女性接受并重新塑造了其他地方的时尚风格。
On the difference between the Modern Girl and the New Woman in India, no less a figure than Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi weighed in. In the progressive paper, the Hariian, he wrote: “I have a fear that the modern girl loves to be Juliet to half a dozen Romeos. She loves adventure . . The modern girl dresses not to protect herself from wind, rain and sun but to attract attention. She improves upon nature by painting herself and looking extraordinary. The nonviolent way is not for such girls.” ${}^{31}$${}^{31}$^(31){ }^{31}
关于现代女孩和新女性在印度的差异,没有人比摩诃旦陀斯·卡拉姆昌德·甘地这样的人物更有发言权。在进步性的《哈里运》报纸上,他写道:"我担心现代女孩爱扮演成为半打个罗密欧的朱丽叶。她热爱探险……现代女孩不是为了抵御风雨阳光而穿衣,而是为了引人注目。她通过化妆使自己看起来非凡。非暴力的方式并不适合这样的女孩。" ${}^{31}$${}^{31}$^(31){ }^{31}
In Gandhi’s view, Modern Girls were girls who were self-fashioned through
根据甘地的观点，现代女孩是通过自我塑造而成的女孩
her children or her husband and appropriated, rather than rejected, Western codes of modernity.
她的孩子或她的丈夫,她接受并采用,而不是拒绝,西方的现代性规范。
artifice; they were sexually overt and prone to multiple romantic affairs with members of the opposite sex. After thus characterizing them, he pronounced them unfit for participation in the Indian national movement for independence, with its leitmotif of nonviolence. This is significant because it was Gandhi who had specifically mobilized women for anticolonial protest by suggesting they were more capable of sacrifice and braver than men.
艺术;他们性行为公开,容易与异性发生多重恋爱关系。在这样描述了他们之后,他宣布他们不适合参与印度独立运动,其中的主题是非暴力。这很重要,因为正是甘地专门动员妇女参加反殖民斗争,并认为她们比男性更善于牺牲和更勇敢。
Eleven “English-educated” college girls, to whom Gandhi’s missive in the Harijan was directed, wrote back: “The modern girl, it seems, has provoked you to the extent that you have disposed of her finally as one playing Juliet to half a dozen Romeos. This remark which betrays your idea about women in general is not very inspiring . . You yourself have come in contact with quite a number of modern girls and may have been struck by their resolution, sacrifice and other sterling womanly virtues.” ${}^{32}$${}^{32}$^(32){ }^{32}
十一个"受英语教育"的大学女生,甘地在《哈里扬报》上发出的呼吁正是针对她们,她们写回说:"现代女孩似乎已经激怒了你,以至于你最终把她们当作朱丽叶演给半打罗密欧们的人。这句话揭示了你对女性的一般看法,并不令人感到鼓舞......你自己也接触过不少现代女孩,可能会被她们的决心、牺牲精神和其他优秀的女性品德所打动。" ${}^{32}$${}^{32}$^(32){ }^{32}
The girls challenged Gandhi’s restriction of the Modern Girl to the identity of “Juliet.” They also questioned his conclusion that girls who were modern could not simultaneously be brave protestors in the independence movement. By suggesting that Gandhi’s division of women into those who can and cannot participate in “the non-violent way” is symptomatic of his ideas about “women in general,” the girls highlighted how Gandhi’s notions of gender were constructed and narrow. Their muddying of the difference between the Modern Girl and the New Woman, and their stinging critique of the “father of the nation” notwithstanding, the question of who could represent the nation as a desirably modern and Indian woman grew increasingly fraught as Indianness came to be a major social identity established through multiple forms of political agitation and cultural production in the 1930s. ${}^{3.3}$${}^{3.3}$^(3.3){ }^{3.3}
女孩们挑战了甘地将现代女孩局限于"朱丽叶"身份的限制。她们还质疑了甘地得出的结论,即现代女孩不可能同时是独立运动中勇敢的抗议者。通过暗示甘地将妇女划分为可以和不能参与"非暴力道路"的人,反映了他对"妇女整体"的想法,女孩们突出了甘地的性别观念是如何被建构和狭隘的。尽管她们模糊了现代女孩和新女性之间的差异,并对"国父"进行了尖锐的批评,但随着 1930 年代印度国民身份通过多种形式的政治运动和文化生产而得到确立,谁能够作为一个理想的现代又印度的女性来代表国家的问题变得越来越棘手。

Sulochana’s meteoric rise to stardom in the 1920 and 1930 came from seem-
苏洛查娜在 1920 年代和 1930 年代的飞速崛起源于
ingly nowhere. The story goes that she was working as a “convent |Christian missionary school] educated” telephone operator when a director spotted her and asked her to act in his film. Film acting was not a “respectable” profession at the time, especially for women from “well-to-do,” “good” families, so Sulochana turned him down several times. After he pursued her relentlessly, she gave in, and her first movie, Birbal (1925), was a hit. She went on to earn, among other monikers, that of Sulochana the Supreme. ${}^{34}$${}^{34}$^(34){ }^{34}
她是在无意中被发现的。故事说她当时在做一名"受过修道院|基督教传教学校培养"的电话接线员,一位导演发现了她,并邀请她出演他的电影。电影表演当时并不是一个"体面"的职业,特别是对于来自"富裕"、"体面"家庭的女性来说,所以苏洛查纳一再拒绝。在他坚持不懈的追求下,她终于屈服了,她的首部电影《伯宝》(1925 年)取得了巨大成功。她后来还得到了"至高无上的苏洛查纳"等诸多称号。 ${}^{34}$${}^{34}$^(34){ }^{34}
Sulochana was the nom de plume of Ruby Meyers (1907-83). She is identified in most film histories as Anglo-Indian or Eurasian and in others as “a Jewess of European extraction.” ${}^{35}$${}^{35}$^(35){ }^{35} Not just Sulochana but Patience Cooper, Seeta Devi, and nearly twenty other Modern Girl actresses are all categorized
苏洛卡纳是露比·迈尔斯（1907-1983 年）的笔名。在大多数电影史中,她被确认为盎格鲁-印度人或欧亚人,在其他一些地方被称为"具有欧洲血统的犹太人"。 ${}^{35}$${}^{35}$^(35){ }^{35} 不仅是苏洛卡纳,耐心·库珀、西塔·德维和近二十位其他"现代女孩"女演员都被归类为
as Anglo-Indian. According to the ICC Report: "Indian women of the better class do not take up film-acting as a profession . . . Owing to the difficulty of obtaining suitable Indian actresses some Anglo-Indian girls have adopted the profession and several of them play Indian parts with considerable success and are among the most popular ‘stars.’ "36 For Anglo-Indian actresses, racial difference was both the condition for women to enter a disreputable profession and the condition for reworking it.
作为英印混血儿。根据国际刑事法院报告:"印度更有地位的妇女并不把电影表演当作职业...由于难以找到合适的印度女演员,一些英印混血儿女孩采取了这个职业,她们在扮演印度人角色方面有很大成功,是最受欢迎的'明星'之一。"对于英印混血儿女演员来说,种族差异既是她们进入这个不体面的职业的条件,也是重塑这一职业的条件。

During British colonialism, “Anglo-Indian” was a fluid term of racial difference. In the nineteenth century it referred to all British people in India; “Eurasian” was the term for people born of relationships between Indian females and British, Armenian, Dutch, French, Flemish, Portuguese, Prussian, Spanish, or Italian males or their descendents. There was a long period, from the midseventeenth century until the first anticolonial war in 179 ( the Haitian revolution against French colonizers), during which British and other European men had been encouraged to marry Indian women. It was only in the midnineteenth century, with the rescinding of travel restrictions on British women, that these racial intermarriages more or less ceased. ${}^{37}$${}^{37}$^(37){ }^{37} Throughout the nineteenth century and until World War I, another form of interracial union took place, the relationships between lower-ranked British soldiers and the Indian women who provided them with sexual services in lal bazars (red light districts) set up by the colonial government. ${}^{38}$${}^{38}$^(38){ }^{38} In the I9II census of India, these different genealogies merged when “Anglo-Indian” was generically redefined as any person “formerly known as Eurasian, country-born or half-caste . . . whose father or any other male progenitors in the male line is or was of European descent”; with the same stroke, maternal ancestors, usually Indian, and sometimes going back as far as the seventeenth century, were written out of the definition. ${}^{39}$${}^{39}$^(39){ }^{39}
在英国殖民时期,"Anglo-Indian"是一个流动的种族差异术语。在 19 世纪,它指代所有在印度的英国人;"Eurasian"是指印度女性与英国、亚美尼亚、荷兰、法国、弗莱明、葡萄牙、普鲁士、西班牙或意大利男性或其后代的关系中出生的人。从 17 世纪中期到 1794 年第一次反殖民战争(反对法国殖民者的海地革命),英国和其他欧洲男性被鼓励娶印度女性,这是一个很长的时期。只有到 19 世纪中期,当解除了英国女性的旅行限制后,这些种族间通婚才基本停止。 ${}^{37}$${}^{37}$^(37){ }^{37} 在 19 世纪一直到第一次世界大战期间,还发生了另一种跨种族结合,即下层英国士兵与向他们提供性服务的印度妇女在殖民政府设立的红灯区(lal bazars)内的关系。 ${}^{38}$${}^{38}$^(38){ }^{38} 在 1911 年的印度人口普查中,这些不同的血缘谱系融合在一起,当"Anglo-Indian"被泛化地重新定义为"原称为 Eurasian,土生土长或混血……其父亲或任何在父系线上的祖先是或曾经是欧洲人后裔";与此同时,通常是印度人的母系祖先,有时可以追溯到 17 世纪,被排除在此定义之外。 ${}^{39}$${}^{39}$^(39){ }^{39}
Poor Anglo-Indians were treated as an embarrassment by the British colonial government and, therefore, as a population in need of state support. ${}^{40}$${}^{40}$^(40){ }^{40} In the late 1890 , and again in 1920 , the government recommended that AngloIndian girls be educated to take up service jobs in nursing, teaching, department stores, and domestic service. Hostels, known as working girls’ hostels, were set up to provide them with a place to live and to police their morality. Educated and English-speaking, Anglo-Indian women got jobs as nurses and teachers and, in the new commercial establishments of Calcutta and Bombay, as stenographers, secretaries, telephone operators, and department store clerks. They also worked in the entertainment business in itinerant Westernstyle bands, musical comedy shows, dancing troupes, and revtes. “Western dress, work and the freedom to choose whom they wanted to marry” were the self-identified markers of Anglo-Indian difference. ${}^{41}$${}^{41}$^(41){ }^{41} These prior histories and
贫困的英印裔被英国殖民政府视为令人尴尬的群体,因此需要得到政府的支持。在 19 世纪 90 年代后期和 1920 年,政府建议英印裔女性接受教育,以从事护理、教学、百货公司和家政服务等工作。为她们建立了校舍,被称为"职业女子宿舍",以提供居所并监管她们的道德行为。受过教育且能讲英语的英印裔女性,在加尔各答和孟买的新商业机构中担任护士、教师、速记员、秘书、电话操作员和百货店店员等工作。她们还从事娱乐业,如流动西方乐队、音乐喜剧、舞蹈团和歌舞剧。"西方服装、工作以及自由选择婚姻对象"是英印裔人认为自己的独特标志。
transitional labor identities were important antecedents that prepared AngloIndian women to become cinema actresses.
过渡时期的劳动身份是重要的前提条件,使英印妇女准备成为电影女演员。
While paid employment was an important element of Anglo-Indian women’s self-identity, sitaras became popular icons through their malleability. Most Anglo-Indian and Jewish actresses, like Ruby Myers, took on Hindu names. Renee Smith became Seeta Devi, Iris Gasper became Sabita Devi, Beryl Clausen became Madhuri, Marcia Solomon became Vimla, Esther Victoria Abraham became Pramila, and so on. Moreover, they did not just change their names but, as we have seen from the studio portraits and newspaper images, they wore bindis and jewelry which signified that they were Hindu and sometimes they posed as Hindu brides or married women. Patienice Cooper, an AngloIndian star, dressed in a sari and a Hindu bindi, with her arm raised in the familiar “Z” pose, graced an Eid greetings card replete with the Urdu couplet,
虽然有薪职业是安格鲁-印度妇女自我认同的重要因素,但明星们通过其可塑性成为了流行图标。大多数安格鲁-印度和犹太女演员,如露比·迈尔斯,都采用了印度教名字。Renee Smith 成为 Seeta Devi,Iris Gasper 成为 Sabita Devi,Beryl Clausen 成为 Madhuri,Marcia Solomon 成为 Vimla,Esther Victoria Abraham 成为 Pramila,等等。此外,她们不仅仅改变了名字,正如我们从演播室肖像和报纸图像中看到的,她们还戴着象征她们是印度教徒的宝石和珠宝,有时还以印度新娘或已婚妇女的姿态摆拍。安格鲁-印度明星 Patienice Cooper 身穿纱丽,额间涂有印度教标记,双臂以熟悉的"Z"形姿势,出现在一张写有乌尔都诗句的开斋节贺卡上。

Since the nights of separation, I long for a glimpse of you.
自从分离的夜晚以来，我渴望瞥见你。
It’s like the burning sun, this Eid moon. ${}^{42}$${}^{42}$^(42){ }^{42}
这如同炽热的太阳，这个开斋节的月亮。 ${}^{42}$${}^{42}$^(42){ }^{42}
A second route to cinema acting for women was via the kothis, the houses of courtesans where girls were trained to be dancers, singers, and stage actresses. In the early twentieth century, the mostly Muslim courtesans of Lucknow inhabited a transitional class identity, caught between feudal patronage and colonial Victorian values; they were a group whose “immorality” was the grounds for criticism by the new Hindu middle class of upwardly mobile men. ${}^{43}$${}^{43}$^(43){ }^{43} Modern Girl actresses who were the daughters of courtesans, in common with Anglo-Indian actresses, carried the baggage of the close connection between their mothers’ prior presence in the public eye and their sexualization. The ICC Report surmised, “With few exceptions (mostly in Bengal), the actors and actresses are not drawn from the cultured classes. The actresses are mainly recruited from the ‘dancing girl’ class.” ${}^{44}$${}^{44}$^(44){ }^{44}
对于女性来说,进入电影圈的第二条路径是通过科蒂斯(kothis),即妓女的住所,在那里女孩们被培养成舞蹈家、歌手和舞台演员。在 20 世纪初,主要是穆斯林的勒克瑙妓女处于一种过渡性的阶层身份,陷于封建赞助和殖民维多利亚价值观之间;她们是一个"不道德"的群体,成为了上升中的印度教中产阶级男性批评的对象。现代女孩演员大多是妓女的女儿,与英印演员一样,都背负着母亲过去身在公众视野并被性化的包袱。ICC 报告总结道:"除了少数例外(主要在孟加拉),演员和演员都不是来自受过良好教育的阶层。演员主要从'舞女'阶层中招募。"
The hybrid images of Gohar (figure 7.7) and Jehanara Kajjan (figure 7.8) demonstrate how Muslim actresses, too, frequently transgressed the religious borders between Western and Indian, Hindu and Muslim, in their attire, body fashioning, and the roles they played.
高尔(图 7.7)和吉哈娜拉·卡詹(图 7.8)的混合形象展示了穆斯林女演员如何在衣着、身材塑造和所扮演的角色中频繁跨越西方和印度、印度教和穆斯林之间的宗教边界。
There is other evidence of the Modern Girl actresses’ fluidity between multiple religious and racial identities. One film historian suggests that both Renee Smith and her sister Percy Smith passed for the actress Seeta Devi (see figure 7.3), named after the virtuous wife of the Hindu god Ram. ${}^{45}$${}^{45}$^(45){ }^{45} Extolling “her” virtues, a reporter for Illustrated Weekly commenting on Seeta Devi’s European tour in 1929 wrote: “Rightly she is named Seeta Devi - for Seeta is the sweetest figure in the Indian [i.e., Hindu] Pantheon and has been enshrined
现代女孩演员在多种宗教和种族身份之间流动的其他证据。一位电影史学家提出,芮妮·史密斯和她的姐妹珀西·史密斯都伪装成演员席达·戴维(见图 7.3),后者名字取自印度教神灵拉姆的贤德妻子。一位《画报周刊》的记者在 1929 年对席达·戴维的欧洲巡演进行了评论,赞扬"她"的美德:"她之所以被称为席达·戴维,是因为席达是印度神庙中最温柔优雅的神祇,早已深入人心。"
with such notable charm and loveliness in the pages of Indian classical literature.” ${}^{46}$${}^{46}$^(46){ }^{46} In the same interview, Seeta Devi’s own reflection on her Indianness is less saccharine, more bittersweet. Critiquing the racism of foreign producers, she writes:
在印度古典文学的页面上具有如此显著的魅力和迷人魅力。" ${}^{46}$${}^{46}$^(46){ }^{46} 在同一次采访中,西塔·德维对她的印度人身份的反思也没有那么甜蜜,而是更加酸甜。她批评了外国制片人的种族主义,写道:

I have never used either grease paint or water paint in any of my pictures . . . I quite agree that I appear much darker on the screen than I actually am. Unfortunately, there is a false notion lingering in the minds of the foreign producers that all Indians should and must be dark, But then people of North India are very fair - some of them are almost as fair as the Westerners themselves. Especially the Mogul princes who hailed from regions of Central Asia, and their women-folk are very fair indeed. I do believe, therefore, that foreign producers would be well-advised to use more discretion in the matter. ${}^{47}$${}^{47}$^(47){ }^{47}
我从来没有在任何我的作品中使用过油彩或水彩。我完全同意在银幕上我看起来比实际要黑很多。不幸的是,外国制片人中间存在这样一种错误观念,即所有印度人都应该且必须要黑。但是北印度人其实很白皙 - 有些人甚至和西方人一样白。特别是来自中亚地区的摩尔王子及其家人,他们确实非常白皙。因此我相信,外国制片人在这个问题上应该更加谨慎。 ${}^{47}$${}^{47}$^(47){ }^{47}

Paradoxically, even as Seeta Devi critiques the racism of foreign producers, she engages in another kind of racial and gendered mythologizing. She may have been a Hindu icon of Anglo-Indian descent in India - for, as was also true of other actresses, her nom de plume was never secret - but abroad she was unequivocally “Indian.” At home, this fluidity proved increasingly difficult to sustain.
矛盾的是,即使 Seeta Devi 批评了外国制片人的种族主义,她也参与了另一种种族和性别的神话传说。在印度,她可能是一个具有英印血统的印度教偶像——就像其他女演员一样,她的艺名也从未被隐藏——但在海外,她被毫无疑问地视为"印度人"。在家乡,这种流动性越来越难以维系。
By the late 1930s, the Indian Modern Girl cinema icon and Modern Girl film story lines had faded from popular cinema culture. Many early actresses were displaced. Patience Cooper acted in sixty-six films between 1920 and 1937 but just two more after that; Seeta Devi made fifteen films, all between 1922 and 1932; Sulochana acted in fifty-two films between 1925 and 9937 but just seventeen more in the next nearly forty years. It is possible that they were less in demand as they aged; however, they were not replaced by look-alikes but by the new Bharat nari, or respectable Indian woman.
到 20 世纪 30 年代末,印度现代女孩电影偶像和现代女孩电影故事情节已从大众电影文化中逐渐消失。许多早期女演员失去了地位。Patience Cooper 在 1920 年至 1937 年期间出演了 66 部电影,之后只拍摄了 2 部;Seeta Devi 共拍摄了 15 部电影,全部集中在 1922 年至 1932 年之间;Sulochana 在 1925 年至 1937 年期间出演了 52 部电影,之后近 40 年内只拍摄了 17 部。这可能是因为随着年龄的增长,她们的受欢迎程度下降了;然而,她们并没有被长得一样的人取代,而是被崭新的"Bharat nari"或值得尊敬的印度女性所取代。
Increasingly, film storylines were more didactic and “Indianized,” with Indianness signified by woman as a good wife, now in the modern role of companion within the confines of heterosexual, middle-class marriage. Typically, a heroine’s desire for modernity was restricted to serving her modern husband better, rather than through the assertion of individual choice or autonomy. The actress Pramila recounted: "The story of Mother India was part of an effort to create a true Indian woman as against a modern westernized one. [In it I] played the role of the bold, westernized, Indian girl educated abroad who finally realises the greatness of being a Bharat nari."4s The antiheroine was more narrowly defined as Westernized and “bad,” typically a vamp. This "gradually institutionalised the hierarchies between mother, wife and vamp."49 Western dress, in particular, was symbolically loaded as alien to Indianness and as colonial. The multidirectional citation or borrowing from global cultural
电影情节越来越具有说教性和"印度化"特征,通过女性塑造为良好妻子的形象,在异性恋、中产阶级婚姻的框架内体现现代角色。通常,女主角对现代性的渴望仅局限于更好地服务于现代丈夫,而非通过个人选择或自主主张。女演员帕米拉回忆道:"《母亲的印度》的故事是为了塑造真正的印度女性,与被西化的女性形象相对立。[在片中]我扮演了一个大胆、西化、在国外受教育的印度女孩,最终认识到做一个'bharat nari'的伟大。"反面女性形象则被狭隘地定义为西化和"不好",通常是妖艳女子。这"逐步确立了母亲、妻子和妖艳女子之间的等级"。西式服饰在象征上被视为不符合印度性,带有殖民主义色彩。从全球文化中双向引用或借鉴的现象
circuits to visualize “Indian” women’s bodies and to tell stories of “Indian” modernity decreased (though in terms of music and dance it continued). The hegemony of a seemingly all-consuming Indian nationalism achieved by the late 1930 was an effect of the articulation of unexpected and contradictory forces.
可视化"印度"女性身体的电路以及讲述"印度"现代性故事有所减少(尽管在音乐和舞蹈方面仍在持续)。1930 年代末期表现出来的似乎包治百病的印度民族主义霸权,是一种意外和矛盾力量的结果。

One of the unexpected and contradictory ways in which the hegemony of Indian nationalism was articulated emerged from British concerns over declining earnings in India. By the end of World War I, over 85 percent of the films imported into India were from the United States. Hollywood established its dominance in movie making because most European countries had to cut down on producing celluloid, which was made from the same material as explosives, during the war. For Indian cinema houses, Hollywood films were also much cheaper to rent than European or even Indian films because their costs were distributed across a by-now global network. Starring silent screen actresses including Mary Pickford, Norma Talmadge, Clara Bow, and Pola Negri, and their male counterparts Douglas Fairbanks and Rudolph Valentino, these films were immensely popular in India (as were the action serials and spectaculars of Charlie Chaplin and Harold Lloyd). In 1918, fearful of heightened competition from Hollywood for British films in India, the British colonial government brought cinema directly under state control. After 1920, when the Indian central administration was financially delinked from London, import tariffs became a major source for raising revenue; an entertainment tax was instituted on cinema, the highest-grossing import industry in India, in 1923. In 1927, still unable to stem the Hollywood tide, and at the behest of the Federation of British Industries, who wanted a protected market, the British colonial government set up the ICC, an advisory committee of bureaucrats and influential citizens.
一种印度民族主义霸权的意想不到和矛盾的表达方式,源于英国对印度收益下降的担忧。一战结束时,进口到印度的电影有 85%以上来自美国。好莱坞在电影制作中确立了主导地位,因为大多数欧洲国家在战争期间不得不减少生产制作爆炸物的相同材料制造的胶片。对于印度电影院来说,好莱坞电影的租金比欧洲或甚至印度电影便宜得多,因为其成本在如今的全球网络中得到了分摊。这些电影由包括玛丽·皮克福德、诺玛·塔尔马奇、克拉拉·鲍和宝拉·内格丽在内的无声银幕女星主演,以及道格拉斯·费尔班克斯和卢道夫·华伦天奴等男星主演,在印度非常受欢迎(正如查理·卓别林和哈罗德·劳埃德的动作连续剧和大制作电影一样)。1918 年,担心好莱坞对印度英国电影的竞争加剧,英国殖民政府将电影直接置于国家控制之下。1920 年后,当印度中央行政机构与伦敦脱钩时,进口关税成为主要的财政收入来源;1923 年,对印度最高收益的进口行业——电影业征收了娱乐税。1927 年,英国殖民政府仍无法阻挡好莱坞的涨潮,并应英国工业联合会的要求,设立了 ICC,这是一个由官僚和有影响力公民组成的顾问委员会。

The ICC was established, as well, out of British imperial concern with Hollywood’s depictions of lascivious white women and lurid sex. In the opening pages of the ICC Report a well-known bishop “intimately acquainted with India” is quoted from a speech he gave in Britain in 1925 : “The majority of films, which are chiefly from America are full of sensational and daring murders, crimes and divorces, and on the whole, degrade the white women in the eyes of Indians.” ${}^{50}$${}^{50}$^(50){ }^{50}
美国电影工业协会(ICC)也是出于英国帝国对好莱坞对淫荡白人女性和猎奇性行为的描述的担忧而成立的。在美国电影工业协会(ICC)报告的开头页面中,一位"深谙印度"的著名主教在 1925 年在英国发表的演讲中被引用到:"大多数电影,主要来自美国,充满了令人震惊和大胆的谋杀、犯罪和离婚,总的来说,在印度人眼中贬低了白人女性。" ${}^{50}$${}^{50}$^(50){ }^{50}
The pages of Times of India in the late 1920s and early 1930S were replete with criticism of the “sex, spectacle and sensationalism” of Hollywood films and how they lowered the prestige of white women and, therefore, the white
1920 年代末和 1930 年代初《印度时报》上充满了对好莱坞电影 "性感、戏剧性和感性"的批评,以及它们降低了白人女性和白人声望的言论
races in India. “Uneducated” Indians of the “laboring” classes, it was argued in many of these newspaper articles, editorials, and letters, were especially likely to “misinterpret” these overtly sexual images. ${}^{51}$${}^{51}$^(51){ }^{51} British imperial feminists, who were members of the British Hygiene Delegation and the National Council of Women in Burma (Burma was part of India until 1937), called to testify before the ICC, were vehement in their criticism and blamed Hollywood for “lowering the standard of sex conduct and thereby increasing the dissemination of disease.” ${}^{52}$${}^{52}$^(52){ }^{52} In other words, a broad bloc of British colonial business, religious, and women leaders wanted to restrict Hollywood so as to gain an economic advantage or to assert strategies of imperial rule that preserved racial boundaries through the management of sexual desire. Their joint hope was for the ICC to suggest the stringent censorship of Hollywood films. The British desire for film censorship was as much about preventing the use of cinema by Indian directors in the anticolonial cause; actual deletions from Hollywood and Indian films by the Board of Censors were to references to “liberty” and “freedom.”
印度的种族竞赛。许多报纸文章、社论和信件中都提到,"劳动"阶层的"未受教育"的印度人更可能"误解"这些明确的性化图像。 英国帝国主义女权主义者,他们是英国卫生代表团和缅甸妇女理事会(缅甸直到 1937 年属于印度)的成员,在 ICC 作证时,对此表示强烈批评,并指责好莱坞"降低了性行为标准,从而加大了疾病的传播"。换言之,英国殖民地的商界、宗教界和女性领导人希望通过限制好莱坞,以获得经济优势或实施保护种族界限的帝国统治策略,以管理性欲。他们的共同愿望是 ICC 建议对好莱坞电影实施严格审查。英国对电影审查的需求,同样也是为了防止印度导演在反殖民主义事业中使用电影;审查委员会对好莱坞和印度电影进行的实际删减,都涉及"自由"和"自由"的内容。

But T. Rangachariar, the Indian lawyer who was put in charge of the ICC by the British to appease Indian nationalist demands for more Indian representation in government, did not comply with this request for censorship. He approvingly quoted an editorial in the Times of India, “American films certainly should be fought by British competition but to try and suppress them by hypocritical pleas for Imperial welfare is merely ridiculous” ${}^{53}$${}^{53}$^(53){ }^{53} Additionally, he dismissed the British Social Hygiene Council as “ill-informed” and instead endorsed the opposing testimony of Directors of Public Health in India and the Indian Federation of University Women, consisting of Indian academics who held that there was no link between films and an increase of sexually transmitted diseases. ${}^{54}$${}^{54}$^(54){ }^{54}
但是 B.朗加查里亚博士,这位受英国委托负责管理国际电影检查会(ICC)以安抚印度民族主义者对政府更多代表权的要求的印度律师,并未遵从这一审查要求。他赞同《印度时报》社论的观点:"美国电影当然应该受到英国竞争的挑战,但是以虚伪的帝国福利理由来压制它们,无异于荒谬可笑。"此外,他把英国社会卫生委员会 ${}^{53}$${}^{53}$^(53){ }^{53} 评为"无知",反而支持印度公共卫生部门主管和印度大学妇女联合会学者的反对意见,他们认为电影与性病传播之间没有直接联系。 ${}^{54}$${}^{54}$^(54){ }^{54}
Instead of censoring Hollywood, Rangachariar insisted that Indian filmmakers and Indian audiences were being undermined by Western films, under which he clubbed both British and Hollywood imports:
与其审查好莱坞电影,Rangachariar 坚持认为印度电影制作者和观众受到西方电影的贬低,其中包括英国电影和好莱坞电影进口

American civilization is as much Western civilization to them as British civilization. Both are foreign . . . If too much exhibition of American films is a danger to national interest, too much exhibition of other films is as much a danger . . . if, in fact, the exhibition of Western films is doing some mischief in the country the best remedy would seem to be to encourage Indian films to take their place. ${}^{5s}$${}^{5s}$^(5s){ }^{5 s}
美国文明对他们来说与英国文明一样都是外来的。如果过多放映美国电影对国家利益构成危险,那么过多放映其他电影也同样存在这种危险。事实上,如果西方电影的放映确实在国内造成了一些危害,那么最好的解决办法似乎是鼓励印度电影取代它们。 ${}^{5s}$${}^{5s}$^(5s){ }^{5 s}

Rangachariar recognized film as a potent new medium by which to transmit ideas of modernity in the cause of the Indian nation-in-the-making. Although he was appointed by the British colonial government, in the quotation above he redefined “national interest” to mean Indian nationalist, not British imperial,
兰加查里亚尔认识到电影是一种强大的新媒体,可以传播现代化思想,为正在形成的印度民族服务。尽管他是由英国殖民政府任命的,但在上述引言中,他重新定义了"国家利益"的含义,意指印度民族主义,而非英国帝国主义。
interest. In addition, he was determined to develop the Indian film industry on economic grounds, arguing, “India has got her own film industry which . . . requires to be protected, guided and encouraged. It is in its infancy and it is vital to the national interest that the indigenous industry should be encouraged in every way.” ${}^{56}$${}^{56}$^(56){ }^{56} As importantly, Rangachariar wanted to realize the potential of film as a visual, cultural form to educate “the lower classes.” He wrote:
他对电影产生了浓厚的兴趣。此外,他决心从经济角度发展印度电影工业,他认为,"印度拥有自己的电影工业,需要得到保护、指导和鼓励。它还在起步阶段,鼓励本土工业对国家利益至关重要。" ${}^{56}$${}^{56}$^(56){ }^{56} 同样重要的是,Rangachariar 希望发挥电影作为视觉文化形式的潜力,来教育"下层阶级"。他写道:

This is art worthy of the attention of cultured men. Moreover, they will be doing national work by propagating Indian ideas and ideals and interpreting Indian literature, history and traditions. But it is not merely as producers that cultured people are required; educated men and women must be induced to act for the film. At present there is a sort of stigma attached to film-acting because the actresses (and to a less extent the actors) are not drawn from the respectable classes. ${}^{57}$${}^{57}$^(57){ }^{57}
这是值得受教养人士关注的艺术作品。此外,他们通过传播印度思想和理想,以及阐释印度文学、历史和传统,将在做国家工作。但是,要求受过教育的人不仅是作为制作者,而且教育男女必须被诱导去为电影表演。目前,对电影表演还带有某种羞耻的标签,因为女演员(以及在某种程度上男演员)并非出自体面的阶层。 ${}^{57}$${}^{57}$^(57){ }^{57}

The putative “Indian” subject, to be instructed through film to be desirably national and modern, could not, in Rangachariar’s view, be well served by current actresses. Paradoxically, while Rangachariar rejected the view that Hollywood films led to interracial sex and the spread of disease, he fell back on stereotypical depictions of early actresses as “Anglo-Indian girls” and “dancing girls,” unfit for the all-important job of nurturing cultural nationalism. Popular film histories praise Rangachariar as a hero of Indian cinema today, but they do not credit him with laying the ideological grounds for the displacement of Modern Girl actresses in the late 1930s. Their project is as constitutive of an all-consuming nationalism today as Rangachariar’s was in the past.
据兰加查里亚尔的观点,现有的女演员无法很好地教育"印度人"主角,使其成为理想的国家主义者和现代人。矛盾的是,尽管兰加查里亚尔拒绝了好莱坞电影会导致跨种族性行为和疾病传播的观点,但他仍然依赖于早期女演员作为"英印女孩"和"舞女"的刻板印象,认为她们不适合培养文化民族主义。当今的流行电影史称颂兰加查里亚尔为印度电影的英雄,但没有承认他为 20 世纪 30 年代末 Modern Girl 女演员被取代奠定了意识形态基础。他们的项目与过去兰加查里亚尔的民族主义一样,都是一种吞噬一切的民族主义。

In popular Indian film histories, three reasons are usually put forth to explain the eclipsing of early Indian film sitaras by the late r930s: First, with the introduction of superior lighting, not the earlier eye-level lighting which reflected off whiter skin more effectively, and with better cameras, the fairer skin of early Indian stars was no longer advantageous. Second, with the coming of sound, being able to speak a native language and to sing became critical, so those actresses who could not speak Hindustani or sing did not transition. Third, “superior” actresses, ${}^{58}$${}^{58}$^(58){ }^{58} “educated,” Hindu girls from “respectable families” like Devika Rani, Durga Khote, and Shantha Hublikar, all “Brahmin |the highest caste], no less,” entered the profession. ${}^{54}$${}^{54}$^(54){ }^{54}
在印度流行的电影史中,通常提出三个原因来解释 20 世纪 30 年代后期早期印度电影巨星的衰落: 首先,随着更优质的照明引入,不再像以前那样采用反射更白皙肤色的眼睛高度照明,以及更好的摄像机的出现,早期印度明星更白皙的肤色不再具有优势。 其次,随着声音电影的出现,能够说母语并唱歌变得非常重要,所以那些不会说印地语或不会唱歌的女演员无法转型。 第三,"优秀"的女演员,像 Devika Rani、Durga Khote 和 Shantha Hublikar 这样受过教育的"高尚家庭"[即婆罗门教最高阶层]的印度教女性,进入了这个行业。
All three narratives presume that many early actresses were Anglo-Indian. As one film history puts it, “Most of the stars of the Silent Era had been ‘AngloIndians’ or ‘Eurasians’ as Europe called them. The community had sent an
所有三个叙事都假设很多早期女演员都是盎格鲁-印度人。正如一部电影史所说,"沉默时代的大部分明星都是'盎格鲁-印度人'或'欧亚混血儿',正如欧洲人所称的。该社区已经向
endless stream of pretty girls into the industry. The introduction of sound literally changed the complexion of Indian screen personalities.” ${}^{60}$${}^{60}$^(60){ }^{60} Popular histories also claim that Anglo-Indian sitaras only knew what one calls “Kaisa hai” Hindustani and another “atpati-chatpati” Hindi, ${}^{61}$${}^{61}$^(61){ }^{61} that is, pidginized Hindi. This ignores the fact that some Anglo-Indian stars like Sulochana took time off to learn or relearn the language. In fact, she made seventeen movies in Hindustani after 1938 until her last one in 1978. ${}^{62}$${}^{62}$^(62){ }^{62} Other Anglo-Indian stars, including Madhuri and Sabita Devi, made a number of very popular talkies, all in Hindustani. ${}^{6.3}$${}^{6.3}$^(6.3){ }^{6.3} Pramila proudly remembers a casting session when she “surprised them all by learning her dialogues perfectly.” ${}^{(44}$${}^{(44}$^((44){ }^{(44} She knew Bengali, Hindi, and other Indian languages and went on to make twenty-three films from 1939 to 196 ( (in addition to twelve previously).
让这个工业引入了一大批漂亮女孩。声音的引入确实改变了印度屏幕人物的面貌。" ${}^{60}$${}^{60}$^(60){ }^{60} 流行历史还声称，英印明星只知道"Kaisa hai"这样的标准印地语,以及另一种"atpati-chatpati"的混杂语言 Hindi。 ${}^{61}$${}^{61}$^(61){ }^{61} 这忽视了事实,即一些英印明星如 Sulochana 花时间学习或重新学习这种语言。事实上,她在 1938 年到 1978 年最后一部电影期间拍摄了 17 部印地语电影。 ${}^{62}$${}^{62}$^(62){ }^{62} 其他英印明星,包括 Madhuri 和 Sabita Devi,也拍摄了许多非常受欢迎的有声电影,全都是印地语。 ${}^{6.3}$${}^{6.3}$^(6.3){ }^{6.3} Pramila 自豪地记得一次试镜,她"通过完美地学习台词而让所有人都惊讶"。 ${}^{(44}$${}^{(44}$^((44){ }^{(44} 她会说 Bengali、Hindi 和其他印度语言,并在 1939 年到 1960 年期间拍摄了 23 部电影(此外还有之前的 12 部)。

The transition story put forth by popular film historians is also complicated by the fact that not only did some Anglo-Indian stars transition well but some Muslim stars, who knew Hindustani and could dance and should therefore have had no difficulty continuing to act, had to drop out. Zubeida, who had created a sensation by acting in the film Zarina, with its eighty-five kisses, was edged out by what she called “the increasing conservatism in films”; she left to get married. ${}^{65}$${}^{65}$^(65){ }^{65} Despite the suggestion by film histories that Muslim cinema stars transitioned well, in fact the most globally modern and erotic of them were eased out.
这篇文章描述了在影片历史学家流传的故事中,不仅一些英印明星成功过渡,而且一些擅长印度语和舞蹈的穆斯林明星也不得不退出。比如祖贝达因出演电影《扎丽娜》而成名,但最终因"电影中保守主义的增加"而被边缘化,选择结婚离开。尽管影片历史学家认为穆斯林影星过渡顺利,但事实上最具现代性和性魅力的那些人反而被淘汰了。
The uneven transition of Modern Girl cinema stars through the r930s reflects in part the growth and economics of the studio system. Studios were organized, Hollywood style, with directors and actors, technicians, and office workers all on their payroll. They bore the entire costs of film production. As the urban, cinema-viewing population increased and the number of studios grew, there was increasing competition for a share of the market. Actresses were much more likely to be cast to type. Sulochana continued to play the glamorous working girl in her silent film hits that were remade as talkies in the mid- to late 1930 and were very popular, but Gohar was increasingly cast more narrowly as a docile wife. With the proliferation of studios and the competition between them that followed, the need for big stars to sell movies increased and the impulse to manufacture the image of the stars became more explicit. ${}^{66}$${}^{66}$^(66){ }^{66}
现代女性电影明星在 1930 年代的不平衡过渡,部分反映了电影制作体系的增长和经济状况。电影制作公司采取了好莱坞风格的组织方式,雇佣导演、演员、技术人员和办公人员。他们承担了整个电影制作的成本。随着城市观影人口的增加和制作公司数量的增长,市场竞争加剧。女演员更有可能被选中演与自身类型相符的角色。苏洛卡娜在无声电影中继续饰演迷人的职业女性,这些作品被改编为 1930 年代中后期的有声电影并非常受欢迎,但郭哈尔则更多地被局限于扮演温顺的妻子角色。随着制作公司的增多和它们之间的竞争,迎合巨星吸引观众的需求增加,制造明星形象的冲动也变得更加明显。 ${}^{66}$${}^{66}$^(66){ }^{66}
In 1939, the Illustrated Weekly ran a series on film personalities that actively reconstructed actresses as good “respectable” national icons, as Bharat naris. In one article, Glorious Gohar, now respectfully called Goharbai Mamajiwala (bai is a suffix in Marathi affixed to married women), was represented as a “good” woman character through the assertion that there was "nothing ‘actressy’ . . . about her; and that she was “doing her bit to making her profes-
在 1939 年,《画报周刊》刊登了一系列关于电影人物的文章,积极地将女演员重建为"值得尊敬的"民族偶像,即"Bharat naris"。在一篇文章中,现被尊称为 Goharbai Mamajiwala(bai 是马拉地语中已婚妇女的称呼后缀)的"Glorious Gohar",被描述为一个"好"女性角色,同时强调她"一点也不像'演员'",并且"在为她的职业添砖加瓦"。
sion a respected one.” Non-“actressy” behavior was described as Gohar’s not smoking or drinking and spending her time reading “biographies, fiction and religious literature.” ${}^{67}$${}^{67}$^(67){ }^{67}
"这是一个备受尊重的决定。"非"女演员式"的行为被描述为高尔不抽烟也不喝酒,而是花时间阅读"传记、小说和宗教文学"。 ${}^{67}$${}^{67}$^(67){ }^{67}
Another feature in the series on the actress Devika Rani traced her antecedents to not only her great-uncle Rabindranath Tagore but also her doctor father, the surgeon general of an important state in the colonial empire. ${}^{68}$${}^{68}$^(68){ }^{68} She was celebrated for traveling to London to study art and for acting in plays, highly acclaimed all over Europe. Her success in making Indian movies in English was seen as enhancing the “prestige of the Indian screen in the eyes of foreigner.” By 1939, acting had become professional work, which “trailblazing” upper-caste Hindu women had to be educated into and worked extremely hard at. In other words, acting was being recoded as acceptable work.
这位著名女演员德维卡·拉尼的背景不仅可以追溯到她的大舅子拉辨陀拉纳特·塔戈尔,也包括她的医生父亲,这位曾任殖民帝国重要州的总军医。 ${}^{68}$${}^{68}$^(68){ }^{68} 她因前往伦敦学习艺术并在戏剧中出演而受到盛赞,在整个欧洲备受赞誉。她在用英语拍摄印度电影方面的成功,被视为提高了"外国人眼中印度银幕的声望"。到 1939 年,演戏已成为一份专业工作,需要受过良好教育的上层种姓印度教妇女付出极大努力。换句话说,演戏正在被重新定义为可接受的工作。

But for acting to be recoded as respectable, the “private” lives of the stars had to be aligned as properly modern as well. So, unlike Sulochana, whose breakup with her on-screen and off-screen lover was posited as one cause for her decline, Devika Rani was posed gardening at home “at an unpretentious little villa in a Bombay suburb.” ${}^{69}$${}^{69}$^(69){ }^{69} She was also shown on horseback. In another profile, Shobhana Samarth - a “most cultured Maharashtrian girl” - was similarly constructed as one who had saved acting from being the career of disreputable women. ${}^{70}$${}^{70}$^(70){ }^{70} Again, her credentials, like Devika Rani’s, rested on her patriline: she was the daughter of a highly educated man, a banker with a Ph.D.; she too had widely traveled since childhood to the United States and Europe and even alone to China and Japan; and she worked hard at her craft of acting. A third actress, Sadhona Bose, was described as “having a well-won reputation as a danseuse,” not a dancing girl. She was the daughter of a “barrister of the Calcutta high court, a family well-known for its culture. Her grandfather was the great social and religious reformer, Keshub Chandra Sen, who founded the Brahmo Samaj.” Sadhona Bose’s dance is portrayed as drawing not from the kothi dances or Muslim courtesan traditions but from the “Hindu” “expressive movements” of Manipuri, Kathakali, and Kathak. ${}^{71}$${}^{71}$^(71){ }^{71} Like the others, she was pictured reading a book.
但是为了使表演被视为可敬的行为,明星们的"私人"生活也必须与正当的现代生活保持一致。所以,不像苏洛查那样,她与屏幕上和屏幕下情人的分手被认为是她衰落的原因之一,戴维卡·拉尼则被描述为在孟买郊区的一座朴素别墅里园艺。她也被拍到骑马。在另一个简介中,Shobhana Samarth——一位"最有文化的马拉地女孩"——也被构建为拯救表演事业免于沦为不体面女性职业的人物。再次,她的资格,就像戴维卡·拉尼一样,依赖于她的家族血统:她是一位高学历银行家的女儿;她从小就广泛地到过美国和欧洲,甚至独自到过中国和日本;她也在表演方面努力工作。第三位女演员莎多娜·博斯被描述为"拥有广为人知的舞蹈家声誉",而不是"舞女"。她是一位"加尔各答高等法院大律师"的女儿,这个家族以其文化闻名。她祖父是著名的社会和宗教改革家凯旭·昌德拉·森,他创立了婆罗摩教会。莎多娜·博斯的舞蹈并非源于 kothi 舞蹈或穆斯林妓女传统,而是来自"印度教"的"表现性动作"的操控特别是曼尼普尔、卡塔卡利和卡塔克舞蹈。和其他人一样,她也被拍到正在读书。
Newspaper profiles were one site where the Modern Girl sitara was recast as a worthy nationalist symbol; advertisements were another. By the late 1930s, multinational and local companies featured photographs and signed endorsements of select actresses in their advertisements for soaps, snows (face creams), and other commodities. One of the first companies to advertise so was Palmolive “beauty soap,” which ran four ads featuring Devika Rani in 1939. In figure 2.9, for example, Devika Rani appears with her head modestly covered, an icon of national and modern Indian womanhood of the right kind.
报纸专题报道是一个场合,现代女孩的形象被塑造为值得国家认可的象征;广告是另一个场合。到 20 世纪 30 年代末,跨国公司和本地公司在他们的肥皂、面霜和其他商品广告中,都展示了精选女演员的照片和签名背书。最早这样做的公司之一是宝洁"美容香皂",它在 1939 年刊登了四个广告,都以德维卡·拉尼为主角。例如图 2.9 中,德维卡·拉尼的头部被谦逊地遮盖,成为正确类型的国家和现代印度女性的代表。

Thus, by the late r930s the imagination of an “Indian” nation was achieved
因此,到 20 世纪 30 年代后期,人们已经形成了"印度"这个国家的想象
by symbolically orchestrating a certain kind of respectable modern Indian womanhood. In the popular film history Looking Back, the representation of Anglo-Indian sitaras as those who "identified with the ruling British . . . and modeled themselves on the ruling [Hollywood] deities of the day,"72 or what the film historian B. D. Garga calls their “anglicization,” reinscribes a nationalist viewpoint. The national recasting of the sitara is part of a more general forgetfulness about the past that is needed to achieve and sustain a “national” memory. Forgetting, as Renan argues, is crucial in the creation and imagination of nations. ${}^{73}$${}^{73}$^(73){ }^{73}
通过象征性地编排一种受人尊敬的现代印度妇女形象。在流行电影历史《回眸》中,对英印明星的表述是他们"认同统治英国的……并以当今[好莱坞]神祇为榜样",73 或影史学家 B.D. Garga 所称的他们的"英国化",重新书写了一种民族主义的观点。对明星的国家改造是一种更广泛遗忘过去的必需,这种遗忘是为了实现和维系一种"国家"记忆。正如雷南所言,遗忘在国家的创造和想象中至关重要。 ${}^{73}$${}^{73}$^(73){ }^{73}

This chapter retrieves the Indian Modern Girl of early cinema for the scholarly record and celebrates her existence as a vibrant social persona. Headily modern, feminine, sexy, and distinctively global in her multidirectional citation, she was enormously popular with directors and fans of all classes, if for a brief time from the mid-1920s to the late 1930s. Through a body language of dress, makeup, deportment, and fashionable accessorizing, and new ways of being and belonging, the Modern Girl of early cinema became a popular icon of gendered modernity in India.
这一章为学术记录重新发掘了早期电影中的印度现代女性,并庆祝她作为一个充满活力的社会形象的存在。她头脑超前、女性化、性感,在多方向的引用中有着独特的全球特质,从 20 世纪 20 年代中期到 30 年代末,她曾经在各阶层的导演和影迷中备受欢迎。通过服装、化妆、举止和时尚配饰的身体语言,以及新的生活和归属方式,早期电影中的现代女性成为了印度性别现代性的流行象征。
But beyond her retrieval for the historical record, the Modern Girl as a heuristic device brings to light important aspects of Indian nationalism. By connecting her displacement to the articulation of unexpected and contradictory forces, this chapter underscores the interplay between colonial and nationalist intellectuals on moral and market grounds from the late ig2os on. British demands for revenue in India and for moral policing in the face of American hegemony were overwritten by Indian nationalist bureaucrats and Indian film producers trying to expand the Indian market for film and to germinate feelings of Indian national belonging. In the process, the specificity of the Indian nation was constructed by inscribing gender and class through new standards of conduct suited to India, mandating cultured actresses of good reputation for the proper education of the masses.
但是除了出于历史记录的检索之外,现代女孩作为一种启发性工具,也揭示了印度民族主义的重要方面。通过将她的流离失所与意想不到和矛盾的力量的表达联系起来,本章强调了从 19 世纪 20 年代后期殖民主义和民族主义知识分子在道德和市场层面上的相互作用。英国在印度为获取税收而实施的道德管控与美国霸权的对抗,被试图扩大印度电影市场并培养印度民族认同感的印度民族主义官僚和电影制作人所重新书写。在这个过程中,通过制定适合印度的行为标准,即要求声誉良好的知识女性为大众适当教育,印度民族的特性被构建了出来。
The Indian Modern Girl draws attention to the racial politics of nationalism. Although India is not usually characterized as an internal racial formation, one in which race is a social feature that ascribes different positions to social groups based on phenotype ascription, the Modern Girl reveals how race was socially loaded. The Indian preference for “fair” skin is one way that perceptual differences between groups in India are hierarchicized. The AngloIndian Modern Girl, whose whiteness loses luster in nationalist histories of film with the switch to sound, points to the specific conditions which make this
印度现代女性引起了民族主义种族政治的关注。虽然印度通常不被描述为一个内部种族构成,其中种族是基于表型归属给予社会群体不同地位的社会特征,但现代女性揭示了种族是如何被社会加载的。印度人对"白皙"皮肤的偏好是印度群体之间感知差异被层级化的一种方式。随着声音电影的出现,安格鲁-印度现代女性的白皙在民族主义电影史中失去光泽,指向了使这种情况发生的具体条件。
form of distinction “socially pertinent, historically active.” ${}^{74}$${}^{74}$^(74){ }^{74} As racial hybrids, Anglo-Indian actresses mark the recalcitrant difference at the heart of not just colonialism but nationalism, the fragility of binary oppositions at its foundation.
作为种族混血儿,英籍印度女演员标志着不仅殖民主义,而且民族主义内核的顽固差异,以及其基础上二元对立的脆弱性。
For Indian feminism, which has long had to respond to the charge of Westernization by nationalists, the Modern Girl provides a fresh lens on the cultural politics of gendered modernity in India by offering an account of how nationalist historiography depoliticizes race. The otherwise admirable feminist scholarship on India that pays heed to race has focused on British imperial feminists, on the representation of Indian men’s sexual proclivities toward white women, on how Indian women who traveled abroad disrupted racial narratives, and on the articulation of race through familiar discourses of civilization, Christianity, hygiene and science. ${}^{75}$${}^{75}$^(75){ }^{75} This chapter adds to this body of research by focusing on the relationship between the conditions under which light-skinned actresses in the 1920s and 1930s entered a new public realm and their depiction in nationalist history and historiography as racially mixed and morally dubious. Instead of blaming the sitaras’ poor language skills and more advanced filmmaking technologies, we are now in a position to understand the grounds on which early actresses could be eclipsed in the nationalist construction of the “cultured” upper-caste stars.
对于印度女权主义而言,长期以来不得不应对民族主义者对其"西化"的指责。"现代女性"为我们提供了一种新的视角,去理解性别现代性在印度的文化政治,即通过解释民族主义历史学如何去政治化种族问题。过去优秀的印度女权主义研究关注了英国帝国主义女权主义者、印度男性对白人女性的性倾向的表征、以及出境印度女性如何颠覆种族叙事,以及通过文明、基督教、卫生和科学等熟悉话语来阐述种族问题。本章通过关注 1920 年代和 1930 年代肤色较浅的女演员进入新的公共领域的条件,以及她们在民族主义历史和史学中被描述为种族混合和道德可疑的方式,为这一研究领域作出补充。我们不应再责备"明星"的语言技能差和更先进的影视技术,而应该理解早期女演员为什么会在"有文化"的上层阶级"明星"的民族主义建构中黯然失色。

The Modern Girl also provokes attention to “sexual economies” in the new urban profession of acting that marginalized women filled. Mary John and Janaki Nair’s otherwise path-breaking anthology A Question of Silence: The Sexual Economies of Modern India does much to shatter “the conspiracy of silence surrounding sexuality” in India but curiously omits any mention of interracial sexual relations except a passing reference to Indian prostitutes of British soldiers. ${}^{76}$${}^{76}$^(76){ }^{76} Similarly, there is mention of mines, mills, plantations, and family farms as sites where new sexual economies emerged but no treatment of the urban occupations that Anglo-Indian women newly filled - as nurses and teachers and as typists, stenographers, office receptionists, telephone operators, and cinema stars. The laboring Modern Girl elucidates how interraciality was one of the conditions for entry into a public domain in new urban spaces which were feminized.
现代女性也引起了人们对新的城市专业"演员"中"性经济"的关注,这一专业边缘化了女性。Mary John 和 Janaki Nair 的开创性论文集《沉默的问题:现代印度的性经济》做了大量努力来打破印度"围绕性的沉默阴谋",但却奇怪地只字未提种族间性关系,除了简单提到了印度籍妓女为英国士兵服务。同样,书中提到了矿场、纺织厂、种植园和家庭农场等新兴性经济的场所,却未涉及安格鲁-印度女性新填补的城市职业,如护士、教师、打字员、速记员、办公室接待员、电话接线员和电影明星。劳动中的现代女性阐明了种族交融是进入新的城市公共领域的条件之一,而这些公共领域是女性化的。
This chapter has traced how the Indian Modern Girl made her flamboyant and very public appearance in the 1920 and 1930 as the cheeky, cosmopolitan, and seductive sitara of early Indian film. By highlighting the fluidity with which the sitara crossed religious and racial boundaries and incorporated aesthetic and performative practices drawn from across the globe and a distinctly Indian cultural palette, a new view of the history of gendered modernity in India emerges. Indian Modern Girl sitaras labored in the new urban econ-
这一章追溯了印度现代女孩如何在 1920 年代和 1930 年代作为早期印度电影中调皮、世界性和诱人的明星而出现。通过强调明星跨越宗教和种族界限,并吸收来自全球和独特印度文化调色板的美学和表演实践的流动性,出现了一种新的对印度性别现代性历史的看法。印度现代女孩明星在新的城市经济中劳作。
omy and actively articulated and reworked what it meant to be Indian and modern women; they were widely embraced by all classes. By the late I930s, sitaras - in reality and representation - were troublesome to a nationalism that sought to draw boundaries around proper Indian womanhood. In quite unexpected ways, nationalist hegemony regarding what a Bharat nari was and who could represent her was secured by the coming together of British and Indian moral and market interests. Contemporary histories of film, which describe the sitara as a mixed-race fleeting phenomenon, a poor mimic of Hollywood, and an anglicized figure (so implicitly pro-Western and colonial), today continue the cultural work of hegemonic nationalism. By deploying the Indian Modern Girl as a heuristic, one that recapitulates the struggle through which the sitara was displaced, this chapter has questioned contemporary nationalist historiographies as well. The Indian Modern Girl’s troublesomeness to hegemonic nationalisms then and now make her not just politically important for Indian feminism but endearing.
印度现代女性塑造了一个独特的形象,他们积极表达和重塑了什么是印度人和现代女性;这种形象受到各阶层的广泛认同。到 1930 年代末,这些"明星女性"在现实和表述中都成为一种令国家主义者感到麻烦的对象,因为国家主义试图为恰当的印度女性性别定下边界。以出乎意料的方式,关于什么是"Bharat nari"以及谁能代表她的国家主义霸权,由于英国和印度的道德及市场利益的结合而得以确立。当代电影史将"明星女性"描述为混血肌肤短暂的现象、对好莱坞的贫穷模仿,以及英语化的人物(因此暗含亲西方和殖民的倾向),继续着国家主义文化霸权的工作。通过将"印度现代女性"作为一种启发,重复"明星女性"被边缘化的斗争,本章也质疑了当代国家主义历史书写。"印度现代女性"对过去和现在的国家主义霸权提出挑战,使她不仅对印度女权主义具有政治重要性,而且令人感到亲切。

r. Garga, So Many Cinemas, 42.
加尔加先生,众多电影院,42。
2. Upper Stall Web profile, http://www.upperstall.com/people/sulochana.html (visited on 9 January 2003).
2. 上层馆网页简介，http://www.upperstall.com/people/sulochana.html (访问时间：2003 年 1 月 9 日)。
3. Looking Back; Tamrakar, Parade ki Pariya, 1913-1990; Garga, So Many Cinemas; Raheja and Kothari, Indian Cinema.
3. 回顾;塔姆拉卡尔,《游行之女神》,1913-1990;加尔加,《如此众多的电影院》;拉赫加和科塔里,《印度电影》。
4. Raheja and Kothari, Indian Cinema, 35 .
拉赫贾和科塔里,《印度电影》,35.
5. Sinha, Gender and Nation.
辛哈,性别与国家。
6. Chatterjee, “The Nationalist Resolution of the Women’s Question.”
查泰尔吉，"女性问题的民族主义解决"。
7. Hall, “Race, Articulation and Societies Structured in Dominance.”
7. 霍尔,"种族、表述和统治型社会"。
8. Lsoking Back, 26.
8. 回顾过去, 26.
9. Rajadhyaksha and Willemen, Encyclopaedia of Indian Cinema.
拉吉亚迪亚克沙和威尔莱门,《印度电影百科全书》。
to. “The Stars Speak” section in Indian Cinema, roi-1 5 .
致"印度电影中的'星星说话'"部分，roi-1 5.
11. Bhaumik, The Emergence of the Bombay Film Industry, 1913-36; Looking Back; Indian Cinema; Garga, So Many Cintenas; Flasbback; Raheja and Kothari, Indian Cinema; Mohan, Of Wayuard Girls and Wicked Women; Tamrakar, “Film Tarikaon ki Aakaashganga”; Majumdar, Female Stardom and Cinema in India, i930s to 1950s; Rajadhyaksha and Willemen, Encyclopaedia of Indian Cinema.
彭慧,《孟买电影工业的兴起,1913-36》;《回顾》;《印度电影》;Garga,《众多 Cintenas》;《回忆》;Raheja 和 Kothari,《印度电影》;Mohan,《悍妇与坏女人》;Tamrakar,《电影技巧之天河》;Majumdar,《20 世纪 30 年代至 50 年代的印度女性明星和电影》;Rajadhyaksha 和 Willemen,《印度电影百科全书》。
2. Indian Cinematographic Committee Report, 1927-28 (hereafter ICC Report).
1927-28 年印度电影委员会报告(以下称 ICC 报告)。
13. I could not possibly have done this newspaper and magazine research without the able assistance of Michelle Acupanda, Amy Bhatt, Amanda Berman, Serena Maurer, Sarah McKay, Dipika Nath, Amy Piedalue, and Gazelle Samizay. Thanks are also due the Modern Girl Project research assistants: John Foster, Katrina Hagen, Kristy Leissle, Teresa Mares, Rebecca McColl, and Helen Schneider.
我无法在没有 Michelle Acupanda、Amy Bhatt、Amanda Berman、Serena Maurer、Sarah McKay、Dipika Nath、Amy Piedalue 和 Gazelle Samizay 的协助下完成这份报纸和杂志研究。Modern Girl Project 研究助理 John Foster、Katrina Hagen、Kristy Leissle、Teresa Mares、Rebecca McColl 和 Helen Schneider 也应获得感谢。

T4. “Indian Film Work as a Career,” Illustrated Weekly of India (hereafter IW), 13 October 1929.
《印度电影业作为职业》,《印度画报》(以下简称《画报》),1929 年 10 月 13 日。
15. ICC Report, 22.
国际刑事法院报告，22。
6. Garga, So Many Cinemas, 46.
17. Times of India, 8 February 1926.
《印度时报》，1926 年 2 月 8 日。
8. ICC Report, quoted in Looking Back, 41.
8.《国际刑事法院报告》，引自《回顾过去》，第 41 页。
19. Modern Girl Around the World Research Group, Introduction.
现代女性世界研究小组，简介。
20. IW, 30 June 1929.
1929 年 6 月 30 日 IW。
I. “Some Stars in Their Eastern Courses: English Beauty Queen,” IW, 3 March 1935.
一些明星在其东方轨道中：英国美女皇后，《国际周刊》，1935 年 3 月 3 日。
22. Oscar A. Fernandes, “Sulochana,” Filmland, it July 1931, I0-I r.
22. 奥斯卡·A·费尔南德斯, "苏洛查纳," Filmland, 1931 年 7 月, 10-11 页.
23. Peiss, “On Beauty … and the History of Business.”
23.佩斯,"论美丽...以及商业的历史。"
4. Looking Back, 2 I .
4. 回望过去, 2 I .
25. Garga, So Many Cinemas, 55.
26. See chapters $I$$I$II and 2 in this volume.
请看本卷的第 26 章和第 2 章。
27. Tamrakar, “Film Tarikaon ki Aakaashganga,” 16.
塔姆拉卡尔,"电影技艺的天河",16。
28. Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments.
察铁吉,《民族与其碎片》。
29. Sinha, Gender and Nation, 22.
30. Kumar, The History of Doing; Forbes, Women in Modern India.
库马尔,做事的历史;福布斯,现代印度的女性。

3I. Gandhi, Women and Social Injustice, 68.
3I。甘地,妇女与社会不公正,68.
32. Ibid., 69.
33. Ludden, India and South Asia.
卢登,印度和南亚。
34. Looking Back, 4 r.
回顾过去,4 r.
. Garga, So Many Cinemas, 55 .
伽尔伽，如此多的电影院，55。
6. ICC Report, 5 .
国际刑事法院报告, 5 .
7. Blunt, Domicile and Diaspora.
7. 钝、家庭和散居。
8. Ballhatchet, Race, Sex, and Class under the Raj.
巴尔哈契, 种族、性别和阶级在英属印度时期。
9. Blunt, Domicile and Diaspora.
9. 钝化、住所和离散。
o. Hawes, Poor Relations.
霍斯,贫穷亲属。
4. Blunt, Domicile and Diaspora, 65 .
4. 短暂的, 居所和散居, 65。
42. Eid greetings card from Mohan, Of Wayward Girls and Wicked Women, 5. My thanks to Cabeiri Robinson for translating the couplet.
來自摩罕的 Eid 問候卡, 來自 "被拋棄的女孩和邪惡的女人", 5。感謝卡貝里·羅賓遜翻譯這對句子。
43. Joshi, Fractured Modernity.
43.乔希,破碎的现代性。
44. ICC Report, 5 .
44. ICC 报告, 5.
45. Encyclopaedia of Indian Cinema, 84.
印度电影百科全书，84。
46. “Queen of the Indian Screen,” IW, 30 June 1929.
"印度银幕女王"，IW，1929 年 6 月 30 日。
47. Ibid.  47. 同上。
48. Shahani, Pramila, to. This is the 1938 version of Mother India, not the more famous 1957 version starring Nargis.
夏哈尼,普米拉。这是 1938 年版本的《印度之母》,而非更著名的 1957 年版本,由娜吉丝主演。
49. Mohan, Of Wayward Girls and Wicked Women, 22.
摩罕,《背离少女与堕落女性》,22。
50. ICC Report, 3.
国际商会报告，3.

5т. “The Cinema and the Child,” Times of India (hereinafter TOI), 17 July 1924; “The Cinema of Crime,” Tot, 7 February 1925; “Entertainment Tax Not a Real Hindrance,” TOI, 16 November 1927; “American Films in India: Harmful Effects,” TOI, 16 October
5т. "电影和孩子"，《印度时报》（以下简称《印时》），1924 年 7 月 17 日；"犯罪电影"，《印时》，1925 年 2 月 7 日；"娱乐税并非真正障碍"，《印时》，1927 年 11 月 16 日；"印度的美国电影：有害影响"，《印时》，1927 年 10 月 16 日。

1927; “Present Censorship of Sex and Crime Films Adequate,” TOI, I5 November 1927; “The Cinema Inquiry,” TOI, i2 November 1927; “Indecent Films,” тоI, i I July 1934; “Discrimination and the Cinema,” TOI, 24 November 1934.
1927 年 11 月 15 日，《泰晤士报》发表文章《目前对涉及性和犯罪影片的审查已足够》；1927 年 11 月 12 日,《泰晤士报》发表文章《电影调查》；1934 年 7 月 11 日,《泰晤士报》发表文章《不雅电影》；1934 年 11 月 24 日,《泰晤士报》发表文章《电影中的歧视》。
52. ICC Report, 116.
52. ICC 报告, 116.
53. Ibid.’  53. Ibid.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid., 99.
56. Ibid., Ioo.  56. 同上, Ioo.
57. Ibid., 47.
58. Raheja and Kothari, Indian Cinema, 20.
59. Looking Back, 62.
回顾过去，62.
60. Ibid., 4 I.
见上。
61. Raheja and Kothari, Indian Cinema, 25; Tamrakar, “Film Tarikaon ki Aakaashganga,” 19.
61. Raheja 和 Kothari, 印度电影, 25; Tamrakar, "电影技术之天河", 19.
62. Rajadhyaksha and Willemen, Encyclopaedia of Indian Cinema, 207.
62. Rajadhyaksha 和 Willemen, 印度电影百科全书, 207.
63. Raheja and Kothari, Indian Cinema, 30; Tamrakar, “Film Tarikaon ki Aakaashganga,” II, 13 .
拉赫亚和科塔利,印度电影,30;塔姆拉卡尔,"电影技巧的宇宙",II,13.
64. Shahani, Pramila, 9.
沙哈尼, 普拉米拉, 9.
65. Quoted in Garga, So Many Cinemas, 53.
在《伽尔加,如此多的电影院》,53 页引用。
66. Garga, So Many Cinemas.
67. “Glorious Gohar,” IW, 23 July 1939.
《光荣的戈哈尔》，IW，1939 年 7 月 23 日。
68. “Devika Rani Daughter of the Soil,” IW, 6 August 1939.
《伊人》，1939 年 8 月 6 日。
69. Ibid.  69. 同上。
70. “Sophisticated Shobhana Samarth,” IW, 20 August 1939.
《精致的 Shobhana Samarth》, IW, 1939 年 8 月 20 日。
71. “Her Planet’s in the Ascendant,” IW, 3 September 1939.
71."她的星球正在上升,"《国际新闻周刊》,1939 年 9 月 3 日。
72. Looking Back, 4 I.
回顾过去，4 I.
73. Renan, “What Is a Nation?”
雷南,"什么是民族?"
74. Hall, “Race, Articulation and Societies Structured in Dominance,” 52.
74. 霍尔,"种族、阐述与主导性社会"，52 页。
75. Burton, Burdens of History; Sinha, Colonial Masculinities; Grewal, Home and Harem; Robb, The Concept of Race in South Asia.
75. 伯顿,历史负担;辛哈,殖民地男性气质;格里瓦尔,家园和后宫;罗布,南亚地区的种族概念。
76. John and Nair, Introduction.
约翰和奈尔，导言。