Beyond Bones: Toward an Archaeology of Pastoralism 超越骨骼：走向游牧主义的考古学
Article December 1986 文章 1986 年 12 月
DOI: 10.1016/B978-0-12-003109-2.50006-4
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2 authors: 2 位作者：
Claudia Chang 克劳迪娅·张
Sweet Briar College 斯威特布赖尔学院
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Harold Koster 哈罗德·科斯特
SUNY Broome Community College 布鲁姆社区学院
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Beyond Bones: Toward an Archaeology of Pastoralism 超越骨骼：走向游牧主义的考古学Author(s): Claudia Chang and Harold A. Koster 作者：克劳迪娅·张和哈罗德·A·科斯特Source: Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, Vol. 9 (1986), pp. 97-148 来源：考古学方法与理论进展，第 9 卷（1986），第 97-148 页Published by: Springer 出版单位：施普林格Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20210076 稳定的 URL：http://www.jstor.org/stable/20210076Accessed: 06/12/2009 16:00 访问时间：2009 年 6 月 12 日 16:00
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Beyond Bones: Toward an Archaeology of Pastoralism 超越骨骼：走向游牧主义的考古学
CLAUDIA CHANG 克劳迪娅·张HAROLD A. KOSTER 哈罗德·A·科斯特
INTRODUCTION AND DEFINITIONS 引言与定义
Pastoralism has been a relatively neglected topic among archaeologists. The failure to address pastoralism archaeologically seems odd in light of our recent preoccupation with the investigation of mobile economies in prehistory. Considerable effort has been expended in recent years on the study of hunter-gatherers, but with few exceptions archaeologists have avoided comparable description and analysis of sites and systems with pastoral components. 游牧主义在考古学家中一直是一个相对被忽视的话题。考虑到我们最近对史前移动经济的研究，未能从考古学角度探讨游牧主义似乎很奇怪。近年来，考古学家在猎人-采集者的研究上投入了大量精力，但除了少数例外，考古学家们很少对具有游牧成分的遗址和系统进行类似的描述和分析。
The problems of the origins of animal domestication and the development of animal husbandry in the Neolithic period have dominated archaeological discussions of pastoralism. The tracing of this process of domestication through an evolutionary historical sequence has contributed to the conceptualization of pastoralism within a typological mode. This heavy emphasis upon pastoralism in the Neolithic period has diverted attention from equally important issues and problems of other periods. 动物驯化的起源和新石器时代畜牧业发展的相关问题一直主导着考古学对游牧主义的讨论。通过进化历史序列追溯这一驯化过程，有助于在类型学模式中概念化游牧主义。对新石器时代游牧主义的高度重视使人们忽视了其他时期同样重要的问题和挑战。
The principal contribution toward explaining relationships between human and herd animal populations in the archaeological record has come from the discipline of zooarchaeology. Although faunal analysis has provided valuable information, it too has intrinsic limitations. We argue for the feasibility and necessity of using the full repertoire of archaeological methods in addition to faunal analysis, such as survey, excavation, analysis of features, artifactual analysis, and spatial analysis. 在人类与群体动物种群在考古记录中关系的解释方面，主要贡献来自动物考古学这一学科。尽管动物分析提供了宝贵的信息，但它也有内在的局限性。我们主张除了动物分析之外，使用考古学的全套方法是可行且必要的，这些方法包括调查、挖掘、特征分析、文物分析和空间分析。
Toward the aim of encouraging such research we present a critical evaluation of illustrative studies in archaeology and ethnoarchaeology on pastoralism and suggestions for a more effective understanding of past systems of animal husbandry. 为了鼓励此类研究，我们对考古学和民族考古学中关于牧业的示范性研究进行了批判性评估，并提出了对过去动物饲养系统更有效理解的建议。
In an earlier version of this chapter, a helpful but anonymous reviewer asked what appears to be the most basic question-how can one unambiguously differentiate pastoral sites from those occupied by hunters and gatherers or agriculturalists? At first blush this appears to be a more than reasonable query; however, it reflects the sort of typological thinking that has deterred successful investigation of pastoralism in the archaeological record. 在本章的早期版本中，一位有帮助但匿名的审稿人提出了一个看似最基本的问题——如何明确区分牧场与猎人、采集者或农业者所占据的地点？乍一看，这似乎是一个非常合理的问题；然而，它反映了那种阻碍考古记录中对牧业成功研究的类型学思维。
The hope of distinguishing such sites is based upon a conception of the pure pastoralist. We employ this term in the strictly economic rather than in the moral sense, although one might argue that the tendency of many to romanticize those who depend for subsistence solely upon their domestic herd animals as proud, independent, stoic, and fierce also reflects an evaluation of the pastoral ideal as morally pure (Edgerton 1971; Goldschmidt 1979). In this regard one is tempted to cite Owen Lattimore's (1962) aphorism that the only pure pastoralist is a poor pastoralist. Although Jacobs (1975) has vociferously claimed that the Masai, for example, have been pure pastoralists, the weight of evidence finds herders throughout the world depending upon what Salzman (1972) has termed multiresource pastoralism. The ethnographic and historic record of pastoralism overwhelmingly supports Salzman's view, and in light of this fact it is an error for us to frame our investigations with the goal of finding the pure pastoral site. This is not to argue that sites which reflect specialized pastoral activities cannot be isolated, but rather that the search for the remains of putatively pure pastoral societies is likely to be chimerical. 区分这些地点的希望基于对纯粹牧民的概念。我们在严格的经济意义上使用这个术语，而不是道德意义，尽管有人可能会争辩，许多人倾向于浪漫化那些完全依赖家畜维生的人，认为他们骄傲、独立、坚韧和凶猛，这也反映了对牧民理想作为道德纯洁的评估（Edgerton 1971；Goldschmidt 1979）。在这方面，人们不禁想引用欧文·拉特摩尔（Owen Lattimore，1962）的名言：唯一的纯粹牧民是贫穷的牧民。尽管雅各布斯（Jacobs，1975）大声声称，例如马赛人是纯粹的牧民，但证据的重量发现世界各地的牧民依赖于萨尔茨曼（Salzman，1972）所称的多资源牧业。关于牧业的民族志和历史记录压倒性地支持萨尔茨曼的观点，考虑到这一事实，我们以寻找纯粹牧场地点为目标来框定我们的研究是一个错误。 这并不是说反映专业牧业活动的地点不能被孤立，而是说寻找假定纯粹牧民社会的遗迹可能是虚幻的。
Throughout the florescent period of interest in pastoralism following World War II, anthropologists have struggled mightily with the category of "pastoralism," and to this day it remains theoretically unsatisfying and amorphous. Comparable problems have been encountered in defining peasantries (see Orlove 1977a). Indeed, Asad (1979:426-427) in frustration has argued cogently that the very category of 'pastoral nomadic society' no longer is viable as a theoretical concept. In an important attempt to develop a generative model for pastoral nomadic culture and social organization, Spooner maintains that 在第二次世界大战后，对游牧主义的兴趣的辉煌时期， antropologists 在“游牧主义”这一类别上苦苦挣扎，直到今天它仍然在理论上令人不满意且模糊不清。在定义农民阶层时也遇到了类似的问题（见 Orlove 1977a）。实际上，Asad（1979:426-427）在沮丧中有力地辩称，“游牧社会”这一类别作为一个理论概念已经不再可行。在一个重要的尝试中，Spooner 试图为游牧文化和社会组织发展一个生成模型，他认为
In defining pastoralists, anthropologists have generally focused on two characteristic variables: degree of dependence upon domestic animals and mobility (see Dyson-Hudson 1972; Dyson-Hudson and Dyson-Hudson 1980; Goldschmidt 在定义牧民时，人类学家通常关注两个特征变量：对家畜的依赖程度和流动性（见 Dyson-Hudson 1972；Dyson-Hudson 和 Dyson-Hudson 1980；Goldschmidt）
1979; Spooner 1973). These variables have been used in endless attempts to classify pastoral groups. This practice has resulted in the unfortunate and intellectually sterile debates that normally ensue when academics are faced with the needs of "splitting" or "lumping" behavioral categories. 1979 年；Spooner 1973 年）。这些变量在无数次尝试对牧民群体进行分类中被使用。这种做法导致了不幸且缺乏智力的争论，通常发生在学者们面临“拆分”或“合并”行为类别的需求时。
For the purposes of this chapter and of redirecting archaeological research, we are explicitly adopting the broadest and most banal of categories; that is, we are referring to pastoralism as the dependence upon domestic herd animals held as property. In a sense this is a use synonymous with that of animal husbandry, but we find the latter term more cumbersome and also not entirely accurate for our purposes (by its inclusion of nonherd animals). Obviously, by casting our net so wide we are including the broadest possible range of behaviors, and we anticipate objections that such a definition allows the inclusion of activities as disparate as a villager keeping several sheep on the commons and the operation of modern ranches or mechanized dairy farms. This observation is true, but not particularly relevant to our argument. The behaviors with which we should be concerned in this instance relate primarily to animal husbandry and its practice in all its diversity. It is a commonly accepted canon of archeological faith that we should study human behavior as recovered from the direct archaeological record. However, few among us are so naive as to fail to recognize that our categories of analysis directly shape the interpretation of that behavioral record. When we think in terms of "peasants," "hunters," and "pastoral nomads," these are what we tend to find (or, as in the present case, fail to discover). By adopting such a broad definition, archaeologists will focus on recovered materials and, more important, not prejudice their inquiry by framing it within preconceived and exclusive social categories. 为了本章的目的以及重新引导考古研究，我们明确采用最广泛和最平常的类别；也就是说，我们将游牧主义视为对作为财产的家畜的依赖。从某种意义上说，这一用法与动物饲养同义，但我们发现后者的术语更为繁琐，并且对于我们的目的也不完全准确（因为它包括非群体动物）。显然，通过如此广泛的界定，我们包括了尽可能广泛的行为范围，我们预见到这样的定义会引发反对意见，因为它允许将村民在公共草地上养几只羊与现代牧场或机械化奶牛场的运作等截然不同的活动纳入其中。这一观察是正确的，但与我们的论点并不特别相关。在这种情况下，我们应关注的行为主要与动物饲养及其多样性实践有关。考古学界普遍接受的信条是，我们应该研究从直接考古记录中恢复的人类行为。 然而，我们中很少有人如此天真，以至于未能认识到我们的分析类别直接影响对行为记录的解读。当我们以“农民”、“猎人”和“游牧牧民”的概念思考时，这正是我们倾向于发现的（或者，在当前情况下，未能发现的）。通过采用如此广泛的定义，考古学家将专注于回收的材料，更重要的是，不会通过将其框定在先入为主和排他性的社会类别中而偏见他们的研究。
OLD WORLD DOMESTICATION 旧世界驯化
The question of the origins of animal domestication and the beginnings of early herding dominates past and current archaeological perspectives on pastoralism (Clutton-Brock and Grigson 1984; Ucko and Dimbleby 1969). 动物驯化的起源以及早期放牧的开始这一问题主导了过去和现在考古学对牧业的看法（Clutton-Brock 和 Grigson 1984；Ucko 和 Dimbleby 1969）。
In the Old World, domestication of sheep, goats, pigs, and cattle is identified through differences between the morphological attributes of wild progenitors and domesticated species (Bökönyi 1976; Clutton-Broç 1981). Faunal evidence for domestication such as size diminutions, morphological changes, and age and sex ratios requires the analysis of extensive faunal collections over significant periods and from localized areas (Meadow 1984). Even so, in some species there are minimal changes in the faunal elements of domesticated species (Zeuner 1963). Morphological indications of animal domestication are only partial evidence for intentional animal husbandry by human groups. Faunal analysis at Mehrgarh in Pakistani Baluchistan points to aceramic sequences in which remains of mor- 在旧世界，羊、山羊、猪和牛的驯化通过野生祖先和驯化物种之间的形态特征差异来识别（Bökönyi 1976；Clutton-Broç 1981）。驯化的动物证据，如体型缩小、形态变化以及年龄和性别比例，需要对广泛的动物收藏进行分析，这些收藏来自特定地区并跨越显著的时间段（Meadow 1984）。即便如此，在某些物种中，驯化物种的动物元素变化很小（Zeuner 1963）。动物驯化的形态指示仅是人类群体有意进行动物饲养的部分证据。巴基斯坦俾路支省梅赫尔加赫的动物分析指向无陶器序列，其中包含了驯化动物的遗骸。
phologically wild sheep, goats, and cattle were found (Meadow 1984). Meadow (1984) argues that these predomesticated species were probably herded by the prehistoric inhabitants of Mehrgarh. Aboriginal examples in North America of driving and containing herd animals such as bison, deer, and antelope (Frison 1974; Kehoe 1973; Steward 1938), although clearly hunting techniques, suggest the possibility that such technology could be easily transferable to primitive animal husbandry. Faunal evidence from the site of Beidha in Jordan corroborates this possibility. Hecker (1982) suggests that local topography encouraged the control of predomesticated sheep or goats at Beidha. Consequently, animal taming through corralling and containment may have been the first step in the process of domestication (Hecker 1982). How humans adopt animal husbandry and what makes herding systems vastly different from hunting systems are matters equally appropriate to pastoral studies. 在梅多（1984）的研究中发现了形态上野生的羊、山羊和牛。梅多（1984）认为，这些半驯化的物种可能是由梅尔加赫的史前居民进行放牧的。北美原住民驱赶和圈养如野牛、鹿和羚羊等群体动物的例子（弗里森 1974；基霍 1973；斯图尔特 1938），尽管显然是狩猎技术，但也暗示了这种技术可能很容易转移到原始动物饲养上。约旦贝达遗址的动物证据证实了这一可能性。赫克（1982）建议，当地地形促进了对贝达的半驯化羊或山羊的控制。因此，通过围栏和圈养驯化动物可能是驯化过程中的第一步（赫克 1982）。人类如何采用动物饲养，以及是什么使放牧系统与狩猎系统有很大不同，这些问题同样适合于牧业研究。
The differentiation of hunting from herding systems represents an economic as well as an ecological transition. In hunting systems, generalized or balanced reciprocity of meat from game animals is universally practiced (Service 1979). The difference between hunting and herding systems is that herd animals are accumulated, live resources of individual herdsmen (Ingold 1979). In herding systems, exchange of meat, milk, and other products need not be reciprocal. For example, among the Masai, exchange of cattle first cements social relations and then is converted into prestige and power among herdsmen (Galaty 1981:71). Early herders could accumulate pastoral products in the form of live herd animals-a process of wealth accumulation unrealized by hunter-gatherers. In foraging societies, the leveling mechanisms that militate against hunters' identification or ownership of prey suppress status or wealth differentiation among individual hunters (Lee 1979). Therefore, the process of domestication most likely marks an irreversible adoption of a new economic system, one that was set in motion much earlier when humans decided to capture and herd animals rather than to kill them. Yet the discussion of how social transformations led to animal domestication is sadly neglected in the majority of archaeological studies of early herding. Ingold (1984) claims that archaeology does not have the proper tools to do more than speculate on this process. 狩猎与牧羊系统的区别代表了经济和生态的转变。在狩猎系统中，普遍实践从猎物中获取肉类的广义或平衡互惠（Service 1979）。狩猎系统与牧羊系统的区别在于，牧群动物是个别牧民积累的活资源（Ingold 1979）。在牧羊系统中，肉类、牛奶和其他产品的交换不必是互惠的。例如，在马赛人中，牛的交换首先巩固了社会关系，然后转化为牧民之间的威望和权力（Galaty 1981:71）。早期的牧民可以以活的牧群动物的形式积累牧业产品——这一财富积累的过程是猎人采集者所无法实现的。在觅食社会中，抑制猎人对猎物的认同或拥有的平衡机制抑制了个别猎人之间的地位或财富差异（Lee 1979）。因此，驯化的过程很可能标志着对新经济系统的不可逆转的采纳，这一过程在早期人类决定捕捉和放牧动物而不是杀死它们时就已经开始。 然而，关于社会变革如何导致动物驯化的讨论在大多数早期牧羊的考古研究中被遗憾地忽视了。英戈尔德（1984）声称，考古学没有适当的工具来对这一过程进行更多的推测。
Early Herding in the Neolithic Period 新石器时代的早期放牧
In the Old World, the adoption of early animal husbandry by Neolithic populations was accompanied by other production systems such as foraging, fishing, and cultivation (Flannery 1965; Gifford et al. 1980; Redman 1978; Robbins 1973). In contrast to earlier foraging economies, Neolithic herding is only one component of multiple production systems. This essential intertwining of animal husbandry with other modes of production separates pastoralism from the pristine conditions of Paleolithic foraging economies. In this sense, pastoralism is no 在旧世界，新石器时代的人口采用早期畜牧业的同时，还伴随着其他生产系统，如觅食、捕鱼和耕作（Flannery 1965；Gifford 等 1980；Redman 1978；Robbins 1973）。与早期的觅食经济相比，新石器时代的放牧仅是多种生产系统中的一个组成部分。畜牧业与其他生产方式的这种基本交织，使得游牧经济与旧石器时代觅食经济的原始状态有所区别。从这个意义上说，游牧经济并不是。
longer viewed as an evolutionary stage between Paleolithic foraging economies and Neolithic agricultural economies. The origins of herding take place against the background of other kinds of resource exploitation. In contrast to hunters and gatherers, pastoralists never lived in a world composed only of animal herders. The adoption of animal husbandry by Neolithic populations is only one of several economic alternatives. 不再被视为旧石器时代觅食经济与新石器时代农业经济之间的一个进化阶段。牧羊的起源是在其他资源开发的背景下发生的。与猎人和采集者不同，牧民从未生活在一个仅由动物牧民组成的世界中。新石器时代人群对畜牧业的采用只是几种经济选择中的一种。
In the Near East, some archaeological examples of early herding illustrate the integration of herding with cereal crop cultivation (Flannery 1965, 1969). The transzonal use of the high elevations of the Zagros Mountains and the Assyrian steppes for goat herding at Ali Kosh during 7000 to 6500 в.c. has been explained as part of a broad-spectrum pattern of food production. The strength of Flannery's (1965) argument is that early Near Eastern herding is viewed as part of a multiple resource system of food production. In contrast to this position, Sherratt (1981, 1983) explains the integration of cultivation and animal husbandry in Neolithic Europe and the Near East as occurring after the advent of large-scale forest clearance. According to Sherratt's (1983) hypothesis, early carnivorous pastoralism, based solely on meat production, was replaced by dairy pastoralism late in the Neolithic spread of cultivation. The "secondary-products" revolution, in which sheep, goats, and cattle were exploited for milk, wool, traction, and pack transport, was a result of diminishing primary forests and increasing pasturelands. In other words, cultivation opened up new grazing niches for herd animals, and in return, large herds provided traction, wool, and milk for Neolithic populations. The secondary-products revolution hypothesis poses two problems: (1) Does secondary-products pastoralism succeed carnivorous pastoralism? and (2) Did European primary forest actually limit the availability of suitable pastureland? 在近东，一些早期放牧的考古例子展示了放牧与谷物种植的结合（Flannery 1965, 1969）。在公元前 7000 年至 6500 年间，扎格罗斯山脉和亚述草原的高海拔地区用于羊驼放牧的跨区域使用被解释为一种广谱的食物生产模式。Flannery（1965）论点的强大之处在于，早期近东的放牧被视为多资源食物生产系统的一部分。与此观点相对，Sherratt（1981, 1983）解释了新石器时代欧洲和近东的耕作与畜牧业的结合发生在大规模森林清理之后。根据 Sherratt（1983）的假设，早期以肉类生产为基础的肉食性牧业在新石器时代耕作扩展的晚期被乳制品牧业所取代。“次级产品”革命中，羊、山羊和牛被利用于牛奶、羊毛、牵引和运输，是由于原始森林的减少和牧场的增加所导致的。 换句话说，农业为群居动物开辟了新的放牧空间，作为回报，大规模的牲畜为新石器时代的人口提供了牵引力、羊毛和牛奶。次级产品革命假说提出了两个问题：（1）次级产品牧业是否取代了肉食性牧业？（2）欧洲原始森林是否确实限制了适合的牧场土地的可用性？
In both examples of early herding, an unclear relationship between ecological and economic models of pastoralism exists. The origins of herding in the Neolithic period occurred as a result of favorable ecological conditions. The broadspectrum food production of the Near East allowed for successful exploitation of a large number of eco-niches (Flannery 1965). The later spread of mixed herding and farming systems in the Near East was more than a result of environmental and ecological conditions; the adoption of animal husbandry was one economic alternative open to early food producers. The production of milk, meat, blood, wool, hair, or skins most likely had varying degrees of importance for Neolithic economies. The secondary-products revolution (Sherratt 1983) would have been based on economic decisions, not merely on environmental or ecological conditions of deforestation and increased field cultivation. Also, there is the logical possibility that both milk and meat production may have comprised early herding systems in Europe and the Near East. After all, meat production or carnivorous pastoralism hardly precludes the possibility of milk production in the same animal herd. Because meat and milk production often occur in subsistence herd- 在早期放牧的两个例子中，生态与经济模型之间的关系并不明确。新石器时代的放牧起源于有利的生态条件。近东的广谱食品生产使得成功开发大量生态位成为可能（Flannery 1965）。随后在近东混合放牧和农业系统的传播，不仅仅是环境和生态条件的结果；动物饲养的采用是早期食品生产者可选择的经济替代方案之一。牛奶、肉类、血液、羊毛、毛发或皮肤的生产对新石器时代经济可能具有不同程度的重要性。次级产品革命（Sherratt 1983）将基于经济决策，而不仅仅是由于森林砍伐和耕地增加的环境或生态条件。此外，牛奶和肉类生产在欧洲和近东的早期放牧系统中可能同时存在。毕竟，肉类生产或肉食性放牧并不排除同一动物群体中牛奶生产的可能性。因为肉类和牛奶的生产通常发生在自给自足的牧群中
ing, it seems extreme to argue that either form requires the presence of regional market systems (cf. Halstead 1981). Early herding in the Neolithic period is inextricably tied to the ecological and economic limitations of early food production (Khazanov 1984:89). 似乎极端地认为任何一种形式都需要区域市场系统的存在（参见 Halstead 1981）。新石器时代早期的放牧与早期食品生产的生态和经济限制密不可分（Khazanov 1984:89）。
Transhumance and Environmental Models in the Mediterranean 迁徙放牧与地中海的环境模型
Recent pastoral studies in Mediterranean prehistory use environmental models (Barker 1981; Geddes 1983; Guilaine et al. 1982; Halstead 1981; Lewthwaite 1981, 1982). Mediterranean pastoralism is often viewed as a response to population pressure on limited agricultural resources. Small herds of cattle, sheep, and goats are considered to have been part of an economic strategy for increasing total production of a land-use system based on cultivation in early Neolithic economies. Transhumance emerges out of sedentary pastoralism as a means of exploiting marginal environments. 最近的地中海史前牧业研究使用环境模型（Barker 1981；Geddes 1983；Guilaine 等 1982；Halstead 1981；Lewthwaite 1981, 1982）。地中海牧业常被视为对有限农业资源的人口压力的回应。小规模的牛、羊和山羊群被认为是早期新石器时代经济中基于耕作的土地利用系统增加总生产的一种经济策略。游牧是从定居牧业中发展而来的，作为利用边缘环境的一种手段。
There are several problems with these assumptions. First, the underlying premise for Mediterranean pastoralism is that deforestation of woodlands is essential for the creation of natural pasturelands. The postglacially developed deciduous oak woodlands were exploited by early Neolithic populations for hunting, gathering, and animal husbandry (Lewthwaite 1982). Subsequent clearance of forest and woodlands for agriculture then prompted the spread of grasslands and available pasture resources (Geddes 1983; Guilaine et al. 1982). This appears to be an unsupported contention since there is little actual paleoenvironmental evidence showing that natural grazing areas did not exist in the Mediterranean before crop cultivation. This confusion is compounded by the fallacy that pastoralism necessarily competed with agricultural production for exploitation of arable land. Ethnographic evidence from modern herders in Greece demonstrates how pastoralism articulates with crop cultivation without competition over ecological or territorial resources (Koster 1977). It is also difficult to accept the notion that the secondary-products revolution or the origins of dairying arose from the ecological condition of deforestation. 这些假设存在几个问题。首先，地中海牧羊业的基本前提是，森林的砍伐对自然牧场的形成至关重要。后冰期发展起来的落叶橡树林被早期新石器时代的人群用于狩猎、采集和畜牧（Lewthwaite 1982）。随后，为农业而清理森林和林地促使了草原和可用牧场资源的扩展（Geddes 1983；Guilaine et al. 1982）。这似乎是一个没有依据的主张，因为几乎没有实际的古环境证据表明，在作物种植之前，地中海地区并不存在自然放牧区。这种混淆被一种谬论所加剧，即牧羊业必然与农业生产在可耕地的开发上存在竞争。来自希腊现代牧民的民族志证据表明，牧羊业如何与作物种植相结合，而不在生态或领土资源上产生竞争（Koster 1977）。 也很难接受次级产品革命或乳制品起源是由于森林砍伐的生态条件。
For the Aude Valley in southern France, the origins of sheep and goat husbandry during the Neolithic period are traced through the analysis of botanical and faunal remains and interpretations of site catchments at Mesolithic and Neolithic sites (Geddes 1983). At late Mesolithic sites, lithic technologies of flakes, bladelets, and backed triangular points, faunal evidence of wild boar, red deer, ibex, sheep or goats, and the occupation of upland, middle, and lowland elevations point to the existence of small social groups exploiting microenvironments. Hunting, gathering, and herding small numbers of animals were the main subsistence activities (Geddes 1983). Grotte Gazel, an early Neolithic site in the lowlands, is interpreted as a mixed herding and farming site with remains of 在法国南部的奥德河谷，通过对植物和动物遗骸的分析以及对中石器时代和新石器时代遗址集水区的解读，追溯了新石器时代羊和山羊饲养的起源（Geddes 1983）。在晚中石器时代遗址，石器技术包括薄片、刀片和背三角点，野猪、红鹿、山羊、绵羊等动物的证据，以及对高地、中地和低地的占据，指向了小型社会群体利用微环境的存在。狩猎、采集和放牧少量动物是主要的生计活动（Geddes 1983）。Grotte Gazel 是一个位于低地的早期新石器时代遗址，被解读为一个混合的放牧和农业遗址，遗留有...
domesticated sheep or goats and hunted deer and ibex. Upland sites, such as Abri Jean Cros, have even higher percentages of sheep or goats and wild faunal remains. The trend toward upland subsistence herding during the later Early and Middle Neolithic is part of an adaptive strategy for maintaining sheep and goats away from lowland areas. According to Geddes (1983), these lowland areas were subject to erosion and environmental degradation because of intensified herding and farming. Although Geddes (1983) demonstrates environmental degradation of lowland sites from botanical evidence of pioneer plant species, upland pastoralism is a more likely strategy for seasonal grazing patterns than a strategy for year-round exploitation of such marginal areas. Higher percentages of faunal remains at upland sites could have occurred because these specialized sites may have been areas where wild game was procured and animals were frequently slaughtered. 驯化的羊或山羊以及猎捕的鹿和山羊。高地遗址，如阿布里·让·克罗斯，羊或山羊和野生动物遗骸的比例更高。在早期新石器时代晚期和中期，向高地生计放牧的趋势是保持羊和山羊远离低地地区的一种适应性策略。根据盖德斯（1983 年）的说法，这些低地地区由于加强的放牧和农业而受到侵蚀和环境退化。尽管盖德斯（1983 年）通过先锋植物种的植物证据展示了低地遗址的环境退化，但高地放牧更可能是季节性放牧模式的策略，而不是对这些边缘地区进行全年开发的策略。高地遗址中动物遗骸的比例较高，可能是因为这些专业化的遗址可能是获取野生猎物和频繁屠宰动物的地方。
The premise that Mediterranean pastoralism is in direct competition with agriculture is further supported by Lewthwaite (1981, 1984). By comparing the ecological conditions of Corsica and Sardinia during the medieval period, he assumes that prehistoric pastoralism in the western Mediterranean competed directly with cereal cultivation. Human interference with the natural landscape through forest clearance and abandonment of cultivated lands resulted in historic pastoralism. Lewthwaite uses this historic example to refute models for archaic or prehistoric transhumance in the western Mediterranean: '"The myth of archaic pastoralism dies hard. Pastoralism is not a substitute for agriculture in unfavourable circumstances. Both forms depend on herbaceous growth, which dairy pastoralism channels through the extra trophic level of the flock, leading to a minimum loss of efficiency' (1981:62). First of all, it is difficult to compare medieval accounts of Corsican and Sardinian pastoralism with prehistoric herding systems. Second, Koster (1977) demonstrated how trophic exchanges in both pastoral and agricultural regimes increase the overall productivity of the ecosystem of Greek village herders. Sheep grazed off fallow and stubble fields while providing dung for these fields. Agricultural residues were given to sheep and goats as supplemental feed. In this ethnographic case, pastoralism and cultivation did not compete directly for land resources. 地中海牧羊业与农业直接竞争的前提得到了 Lewthwaite（1981，1984）的进一步支持。他通过比较中世纪科西嘉和撒丁岛的生态条件，假设西地中海的史前牧羊业与谷物种植直接竞争。人类通过森林清理和放弃耕地对自然景观的干扰导致了历史上的牧羊业。Lewthwaite 利用这个历史例子来反驳西地中海地区古代或史前迁徙放牧的模型：“‘古代牧羊业的神话难以消亡。牧羊业并不是在不利情况下对农业的替代。两种形式都依赖于草本植物的生长，而乳制品牧羊业通过羊群的额外营养层次来引导这种生长，从而导致最低的效率损失’（1981:62）。首先，将中世纪关于科西嘉和撒丁岛的牧羊业与史前放牧系统进行比较是困难的。 其次，Koster（1977）展示了在牧业和农业制度中，营养交换如何提高希腊村庄牧民生态系统的整体生产力。羊在休耕地和秸秆地上放牧，同时为这些土地提供粪便。农业残余物被用作羊和山羊的补充饲料。在这个民族志案例中，牧业和耕作并没有直接竞争土地资源。
Both Lewthwaite (1981) and Walker (1983) have argued against the existence of transhumance during the Neolithic period and Bronze Age in the Mediterranean. They claim that models of transhumance are invariably based on examples of medieval state-controlled systems, and that such forms cannot be demonstrated for earlier periods. They view transhumance as a response to specific conditions in the medieval world economy. Walker's argument is made directly against Higgs' (1976) assertion that Spanish megaliths are associated with traditional routes of large-scale transhumance and were probably related to similar prehistoric patterns of pastoral movement. Walker goes on to make the valid point that "Archaeologically speaking, it may be very difficult, as this article Lewthwaite（1981）和 Walker（1983）都反对在地中海的新石器时代和青铜时代存在迁徙放牧的观点。他们声称，迁徙放牧的模型无一例外地基于中世纪国家控制系统的例子，而这种形式在早期时期无法得到证明。他们认为迁徙放牧是对中世纪世界经济特定条件的反应。Walker 的论点直接针对 Higgs（1976）声称西班牙巨石与大规模迁徙放牧的传统路线相关，并可能与类似的史前牧民移动模式有关。Walker 进一步指出，“从考古学的角度来看，这可能非常困难，因为这篇文章……”
perhaps shows, to distinguish between localized herding economies at perennial settlements, transhumant economies at perennial settlements, mobile economies within a restricted geographical range and wide-ranging nomadism'" (1983:37). 或许显示出，要区分常驻定居点的地方性牧羊经济、常驻定居点的季节性经济、在有限地理范围内的流动经济和广泛游牧主义。'" (1983:37)。
Although their work may be a useful corrective to the search for pastoriguierrieri and the like (see Barker 1981) charging about the countryside driving their flocks and all else before them, transhumance as a pattern of resource use has much to commend it, and some like Davidson (1980), Geddes (1983), Jacobsen (1978, 1981, 1984), and Sterud (1978) have made cases for its presence in a more localized and less grand scale during the Neolithic period which are not so easily dismissed. In a real sense Walker and Lewthwaite appear to have been taken by the very model of state-sponsored and -controlled pastoralism which they inveigh against, and they fail to consider the plausibility of more localized and smaller-scale forms. 尽管他们的工作可能对寻找过去的游牧者等（见巴克 1981 年）在乡村驱赶他们的羊群和其他一切方面提供了有用的修正，但作为一种资源利用模式，迁徙放牧有其值得称道之处，一些学者如戴维森（1980 年）、盖德斯（1983 年）、雅各布森（1978 年、1981 年、1984 年）和斯特鲁德（1978 年）提出了在新石器时代更局部和规模较小的存在案例，这些案例并不容易被忽视。从某种意义上说，沃克和卢斯韦特似乎被他们所反对的国家资助和控制的牧羊模式所影响，他们未能考虑更局部和小规模形式的合理性。
Specialized Pastoralism and the Evolution of the State 专业化牧羊与国家的演变
Pastoralism, as a specialized economic form, emerges from stratified and state societies (Adams 1981; Bonte 1981; Khazanov 1984; Lees and Bates 1974). The complex problem of explaining the evolutionary transition from mixed farming and herding economies of the Neolithic to pastoral specialization remains relatively unexplored. The role of pastoralism in the evolution of the Mesopotamian state has been investigated by Lees and Bates (1974), Adams (1981), and Gilbert (1983). Pastoral nomads have been characterized as transitory populations providing linkages between agrarian villages and urban communities. Lees and Bates (1974) argue that specialized nomadic pastoralism in southwestern Asia is a response to the labor specialization of irrigation agriculture. As irrigated farmlands became more intensively cultivated, sheep and goat herders adopted specialized nomadism in agriculturally marginal environments. This adoption of nomadic pastoralism was a kind of sloughing off of excess sedentary populations. It also was an initial step toward separating the agrarian sector from the pastoral sector in Mesopotamian society. During the second and third millennia in Mesopotamia, nomadic herdsmen supplied pastoral products to towns and cities as part of their migratory round (Adams 1981:135). This periodic movement of pastoralists could have been responsible for the subsequent development of communication and exchange networks in early urban and state transitions. In both accounts, pastoral specialization appears to be a relatively hidden but essential element in the development of urban and state societies. 游牧主义作为一种专业经济形式，源于分层和国家社会（Adams 1981；Bonte 1981；Khazanov 1984；Lees 和 Bates 1974）。解释新石器时代混合农业和牧羊经济向牧业专业化演变的复杂问题仍然相对未被深入探讨。Lees 和 Bates（1974）、Adams（1981）和 Gilbert（1983）研究了游牧主义在美索不达米亚国家演变中的作用。游牧民族被描述为提供农业村庄与城市社区之间联系的过渡性人口。Lees 和 Bates（1974）认为，西亚西南部的专业游牧牧业是对灌溉农业劳动专业化的回应。随着灌溉农田的耕作越来越 intensively，羊和山羊牧民在农业边缘环境中采用了专业游牧生活。这种游牧牧业的采用是对过剩定居人口的一种剥离。它也是将美索不达米亚社会的农业部门与牧业部门分开的初步步骤。 在美索不达米亚的第二和第三千年，游牧牧民在其迁徙过程中向城镇和城市提供牧业产品（亚当斯 1981:135）。这种牧民的周期性移动可能促成了早期城市和国家转型中通信和交换网络的发展。在这两种叙述中，牧业专业化似乎是城市和国家社会发展中一个相对隐秘但至关重要的元素。
Two stages of pastoral specialization need to be examined more closely. How does agro-pastoralism give way to specialized forms of pastoralism? Does nomadic pastoralism provide a system of exchange and regional integration in complex societies? With regard to the first stage of this process, Mortensen 需要更仔细地研究两个阶段的牧业专业化。农业牧业如何让位于专业化的牧业形式？游牧牧业是否在复杂社会中提供了一种交换和区域整合的系统？关于这一过程的第一阶段，Mortensen
(1972) argues that the separation of pastoral labor from agrarian labor probably existed among the earliest Near Eastern Neolithic populations. According to Bates and Lees (1977) pastoral specialization in the forms of occupational castes and ethnic groups arose out of agricultural specialization. Whatever happened, specialized pastoralists must have become disenfranchised from the mixed economy. With regard to the second stage, pastoral elements of movement and exchange must be investigated. Pastoral nomads used periodic movement as an ecological, economic, and political adaptation to state organization. Periodic mobility of pastoralists contributes little to the notion that nomadic herdsmen were agents of regional integration. To the contrary, they probably existed on the periphery of state organization (Salzman 1980). Exchange of products and even labor would have required a set of structured relationships between pastoral nomads and sedentary communities. Bates and Lees (1977) suggest that sedentary communities must have a surplus of agricultural products before they participate in pastoral exchange. If so, then pastoral nomads in the early Mesopotamian state were at the mercy of regional exchange systems rather than being the purveyors of such exchange. （1972）认为，早期近东新石器时代人群中，牧业劳动与农业劳动的分离可能已经存在。根据贝茨和利斯（1977）的说法，职业种姓和民族群体形式的牧业专业化源于农业专业化。无论发生了什么，专业化的牧民必然与混合经济脱离了关系。关于第二阶段，必须研究运动和交换的牧业元素。牧业游牧民利用周期性移动作为对国家组织的生态、经济和政治适应。牧民的周期性流动对游牧牧民作为区域整合代理人的概念贡献不大。相反，他们可能存在于国家组织的边缘（萨尔茨曼 1980）。产品甚至劳动力的交换需要牧业游牧民与定居社区之间建立一套结构化的关系。贝茨和利斯（1977）建议，定居社区必须拥有农业产品的盈余，才能参与牧业交换。 如果是这样，那么早期美索不达米亚国家的游牧牧民就处于区域交换系统的支配之下，而不是这种交换的提供者。
Another explanation for the origins of nomadic pastoralism in the Near East is enclosed nomadism (Lattimore 1962; Rowton 1973). The mosaic pattern of arable land and pasture resources in the Near East resulted in close contact and proximity between herders and farmers. According to this model, in later evolutionary stages nomadism became a vital feature of urbanization. Raiding, conflicts, and warfare between herdsmen and settled folk caused internal cohesion within newly established urban enclaves (Lattimore 1962). This conflict model builds upon a principle of predatory expansion among pastoralists (Sahlins 1961). Not only is "enclosed nomadism" a conjectural explanation, but it seems that pastoral expansion is more likely to occur in regions of wide-spread pastoralism. Gilbert (1983) cautions against the use of this explanation until textual and archaeological evidence sufficiently document pastoral and agrarian interactions in Mesopotamia. 另一种关于近东游牧牧业起源的解释是封闭游牧（Lattimore 1962；Rowton 1973）。近东耕地和牧场资源的马赛克模式导致了牧民和农民之间的密切接触和接近。根据这一模型，在后来的演化阶段，游牧成为城市化的重要特征。牧民与定居者之间的袭击、冲突和战争导致新建立的城市飞地内部的凝聚力（Lattimore 1962）。这一冲突模型建立在牧民之间掠夺性扩张的原则之上（Sahlins 1961）。不仅“封闭游牧”是一种推测性的解释，而且牧业扩张似乎更可能发生在广泛的牧业地区。Gilbert（1983）警告在文本和考古证据充分记录美索不达米亚的牧业和农业互动之前，不要使用这一解释。
Studies of historical pastoralism also address the issue of specialized pastoralism (Bonte 1981; Khazanov 1984). Although it is in part an ecological adaptation, this economic form depends on a major commitment to pastoral labor and the ensuing social relations of production (Bonte 1981). The ecological adaptations of llama herding on the high puna of the Andes and yak herding on mountain pastures in Tibet are examples of pastoralism in which the exchange of products from sedentary communities and a commitment to labor specialization are essential (Bonte 1981). Among specialized herders, domestic organization of labor required for the production and reproduction of individually owned herds is in direct opposition to community appropriation of shared resources of pasture (Bonte 1981). Pastoral specialization is ultimately dependent on sociopolitical means of obtaining pasture. Because nomadic herdsmen rely on agricultural 对历史游牧主义的研究也涉及专业化游牧主义的问题（Bonte 1981；Khazanov 1984）。尽管这在一定程度上是一种生态适应，但这种经济形式依赖于对游牧劳动的重大承诺以及随之而来的生产社会关系（Bonte 1981）。在安第斯高原的骆驼放牧和西藏山地牧场的牦牛放牧的生态适应是游牧主义的例子，其中定居社区产品的交换和对劳动专业化的承诺是必不可少的（Bonte 1981）。在专业化牧民中，生产和再生产个人拥有的牧群所需的劳动的家庭组织与社区对共享牧场资源的占有直接对立（Bonte 1981）。游牧专业化最终依赖于获取牧场的社会政治手段。因为游牧牧民依赖农业。
products, some of the interactions between nomads and settled communities are mediated through economic exchange. Still, a thornier problem persists: Why does pastoral specialization emerge in complex societies? Because pastoralists typically have sociopolitical structures incapable of functioning in isolation, Khazanov (1984) argues that nomads must have relations with the outside world. 产品，游牧民族与定居社区之间的一些互动是通过经济交换来调解的。然而，一个更棘手的问题依然存在：为什么在复杂社会中会出现牧业专业化？因为游牧民通常具有无法独立运作的社会政治结构，Khazanov（1984）认为游牧民族必须与外部世界建立关系。
Whether specialized pastoralism is a result of the evolutionary transition to state society or a circumstance leading to state formation is a perplexing problem. Two points are pertinent here. First, pastoralism requires access to critical pasture and water resources. How herders successfully gain access to such resources is more than an economic problem; it is a political one as well. Second, pastoral specialization implies that labor is intensified in stock-raising efforts. The accumulation of animals probably requires increased periodic mobility as a means for securing more resources. All of these changes take place against the backdrop of other economies. Relations between specialized herders and settled agrarian folk are determined by sociopolitical structure as well as by economic conditions. Regional integration, then, is in part a result of pastoral-agrarian relations in a complex society. In the Mesopotamian case, the origins of nomadic pastoralism appear to be found in an adaptation to state society rather than being a crucial element in the process of state formation. 专门化的牧业是进化过渡到国家社会的结果，还是导致国家形成的一个环境，这是一个令人困惑的问题。这里有两个相关点。首先，牧业需要获得关键的牧场和水资源。牧民如何成功获得这些资源不仅是一个经济问题，也是一个政治问题。其次，牧业专业化意味着在养殖工作中劳动强度加大。动物的积累可能需要增加周期性的流动，以获取更多资源。所有这些变化都发生在其他经济背景下。专门化牧民与定居农业人民之间的关系由社会政治结构以及经济条件决定。因此，区域一体化在一定程度上是复杂社会中牧业与农业关系的结果。在美索不达米亚的案例中，游牧牧业的起源似乎是对国家社会的适应，而不是国家形成过程中的关键要素。
The role of pastoralism in the evolution of the state most likely varies from region to region. In the Inca state, llama herding was part of an integrated upland-lowland economy (Murra 1965). Insofar as camelid pastoralism was restricted to the high puna, it was a specialized economy. At the level of state administration, however, herds provided wool and transport, and, in turn, these state-owned herds were supported by tribute levied on peasants (Murra 1965). 游牧主义在国家演变中的作用很可能因地区而异。在印加国家，驼羊放牧是一个综合的高地-低地经济的一部分（Murra 1965）。在骆驼牧业仅限于高原的情况下，它是一种专业化经济。然而，在国家管理层面，牧群提供了羊毛和运输，反过来，这些国有牧群由对农民征收的贡品支持（Murra 1965）。
Lynch (1983) and Browman (1981b) discuss the importance of Tiwanaku pastoralism in the evolution of the state. Here, camelids provided vertical exchange between altiplano and lowland communities, long-distance caravan trade, and a form of sociopolitical integration during early state development. Recent evidence for llama herding along the north coast of Peru during the Middle Horizon period indicates that coastal herds were part of caravan trade and contributed to the process of urbanism (Shimada and Shimada 1985). The incorporation of prehistoric stock raising into the Peruvian state bears some comparison with the thirteenth-century Spanish Mesta (Braudel 1949; Klein 1920). The Mesta was composed of an occupational class of shepherds engaged in stateorganized wool production. These shepherds drove their flocks long distances across the Castilian plateau on state-administered roads and pastures. While the Spanish state was in control of large-scale stock-raising enterprises, in contrast, the Andean states integrated herding specializations into a larger economy and, in addition, maintained their own herds. Both examples suggest that the emergence of regional markets and centralized state administration provided new avenues for stock-raising enterprises. It is also apparent that pastoralism became one of several economic alternatives during the process of state development. 林奇（1983）和布劳曼（1981b）讨论了提瓦纳库牧业在国家演变中的重要性。在这里，骆驼类动物为高原和低地社区之间提供了垂直交换、远距离商队贸易以及早期国家发展中的一种社会政治整合形式。最近的证据表明，在中期地平线时期，秘鲁北海岸的羊驼放牧表明，沿海的羊群是商队贸易的一部分，并为城市化进程做出了贡献（岛田和岛田 1985）。史前畜牧业的纳入与秘鲁国家的形成在某种程度上可以与十三世纪的西班牙梅斯塔进行比较（布劳德 1949；克莱因 1920）。梅斯塔由一类职业牧羊人组成，他们参与国家组织的羊毛生产。这些牧羊人沿着国家管理的道路和牧场，长途驱赶他们的羊群。虽然西班牙国家控制着大规模的畜牧企业，但安第斯国家则将放牧专业化整合到更大的经济中，并且维持自己的羊群。 这两个例子表明，区域市场的出现和中央集权的国家管理为养殖企业提供了新的途径。显然，在国家发展的过程中，游牧经济成为几种经济选择之一。
USES AND LIMITATIONS OF FAUNAL ANALYSIS 动物分析的用途和局限性
In surveying the archaeological literature on pastoralism, one is struck by what might at first appear to be an unremarkable fact. When archaeologists discuss animal husbandry, the discourse inevitably turns to the analysis of animal bones, and we are confronted with questions such as these: What are the conditions for bone deposition and survival? How may we sort, measure, identify, sex, and age skeletal materials? How may we arrive at reliable estimates of the minimum number of individuals represented? At times it appears that the archaeological study of animal husbandry and osteoarchaeology are synonymous; so much so, that in a recent publication entitled Archaeozoological Studies (Clason 1975), which might from its title be expected to take a broader view of the subject, of 47 contributions only 3 did not refer primarily to skeletal materials. 在对游牧主义的考古文献进行调查时，人们会被一个乍看之下似乎并不显著的事实所吸引。当考古学家讨论动物饲养时，讨论不可避免地转向动物骨骼的分析，我们面临着以下问题：骨骼沉积和存活的条件是什么？我们如何对骨骼材料进行分类、测量、识别、性别鉴定和年龄判断？我们如何得出所代表的个体最小数量的可靠估计？有时，动物饲养的考古研究和骨考古学似乎是同义的；以至于在最近出版的名为《考古动物学研究》（Clason 1975）的著作中，虽然其标题可能预期对该主题采取更广泛的视角，但在 47 篇贡献中，只有 3 篇没有主要提及骨骼材料。
Although the contribution of a generation of faunal analysts has been substantial, the nonspecialist is puzzled by the relative failure of these studies to utilize more traditional methods in addition to the analysis of bone. Surely, in an analogous situation one would not expect that solely paleobotanical materials and procedures would form the basis for the archaeological study of agriculture. In a sense, domesticated animal bones have become a kind of index fossil of pastoral activities. For example, the presence of faunal remains of domesticates at a site often appears to be regarded as a sine qua non for the identification of a pastoral site. 尽管一代动物分析师的贡献是巨大的，但非专业人士对这些研究相对未能利用更多传统方法（除了骨骼分析）感到困惑。显然，在类似的情况下，人们不会期望仅仅依靠古植物材料和程序来作为农业考古研究的基础。从某种意义上说，驯化动物的骨骼已经成为牧业活动的一种指示化石。例如，某个地点发现驯化动物的遗骸通常被视为识别牧业遗址的必要条件。
In recent years zooarchaeologists have become less sanguine about their ability to effectively interpret faunal materials (Gilbert and Singer 1982; Uerpmann 1973). Research since the mid-1970s has produced a realistic reappraisal of the problems inherent in the creation of actual faunal assemblages (Behrensmeyer and Hill 1980; Binford 1978, 1981; Gifford 1978, 1981). In a thoughtful review, Gifford has examined the wide range of natural and cultural processes affecting the partial animal assemblages which archaeologists actually recover (Gifford 1981). Others have offered methodological suggestions for addressing the difficulties of measuring relative species abundance in faunal assemblages (Casteel 1977; Gilbert and Singer 1982; Grayson 1979; Klein and Cruz-Uribe 1984; Payne 1975; Uerpmann 1973). 近年来，动物考古学家对有效解读动物材料的能力变得不那么乐观（Gilbert 和 Singer 1982；Uerpmann 1973）。自 1970 年代中期以来的研究对实际动物组合中固有的问题进行了现实的重新评估（Behrensmeyer 和 Hill 1980；Binford 1978, 1981；Gifford 1978, 1981）。在一篇深思熟虑的评论中，Gifford 考察了影响考古学家实际恢复的部分动物组合的各种自然和文化过程（Gifford 1981）。其他人则提出了方法论建议，以应对在动物组合中测量相对物种丰度的困难（Casteel 1977；Gilbert 和 Singer 1982；Grayson 1979；Klein 和 Cruz-Uribe 1984；Payne 1975；Uerpmann 1973）。
Most osteoarchaeologists have as a primary goal the construction of age and sex profiles by species. These mortality data are then used in the interpretation of relationships between humans and animals. As Hesse has observed in this procedure, "Archaeological animal bone samples are used primarily to recover cultural patterns and processes, in this case animal exploitation systems, rather than animal behaviour' (Hesse 1982:403; emphasis added). Hesse is alluding to the confusion that often occurs in analyzing faunal assemblages-that of distinguishing patterns of human consumption from patterns of animal production. These are not necessarily congruent. This has been less of a problem in the analysis of assemblages from hunting and gathering contexts (Binford 1978, 大多数骨考古学家的主要目标是通过物种构建年龄和性别档案。这些死亡率数据随后用于解释人类与动物之间的关系。正如赫塞在这个过程中观察到的，“考古动物骨骼样本主要用于恢复文化模式和过程，在这种情况下是动物利用系统，而不是动物行为”（赫塞 1982:403；强调部分）。赫塞提到在分析动物集合时常常出现的混淆——区分人类消费模式与动物生产模式。这两者不一定是一致的。在狩猎和采集背景下分析集合时，这个问题较少出现（宾福德 1978）。
but has become standard practice among many zooarchaeologists dealing with domesticated assemblages (Chaplin 1969, 1971; Cribb 1984; Davis 1984; Ducos 1969; Hesse 1982, 1984; Payne 1973). Although these analysts too are concerned with documenting patterns of consumption, they often appear more interested in wringing from their data some understanding of patterns of animal management. Baker and Brothwell (1980) have charged archaeologists with naivete in such attempts to demonstrate management strategies (i.e., milk, meat, wool, etc.) by interpreting mortality through faunal age and sex groups. In a similar vein, others (Collier and White 1976; Wilkinson 1976) have criticized simplistic attempts to identify the transition from hunting to herding by simply demonstrating a shift in slaughter patterns from mature animals to a larger proportion of immature animals. Hesse (1982) has countered these arguments. 但在处理驯化动物群体的许多动物考古学家中，这已成为标准做法（Chaplin 1969, 1971; Cribb 1984; Davis 1984; Ducos 1969; Hesse 1982, 1984; Payne 1973）。尽管这些分析者也关注消费模式的记录，但他们似乎更感兴趣的是从数据中提取对动物管理模式的理解。贝克和布罗斯韦尔（1980）指责考古学家在试图通过解释动物的年龄和性别群体来展示管理策略（即牛奶、肉类、羊毛等）时显得天真。类似地，其他人（Collier 和 White 1976; Wilkinson 1976）批评简单的尝试，通过仅仅展示从成熟动物到未成熟动物的屠宰模式转变，来识别从狩猎到放牧的过渡。赫塞（1982）对此提出了反驳。
To buttress Sherratt's contention that the initial use of secondary products like milk and wool occurred in the Near East as late as the fourth millennium в.с., new studies have similarly used the analysis of age and sex profiles (Davis 1976, 1984; Halstead 1981; Smith and Horwitz 1984). In these cases, higher percentages of older ovicaprines are interpreted as evidence of a transition to milk production in Greece and the Levant from a putative pattern of meat production indicated by a larger proportion of immature individuals in earlier assemblages. Many of these interpretations derive from Payne's (1973) influential attempts to establish model kill-off patterns reflecting varying management goals, although he recognizes that such models can be of a tentative nature only. But as is often the case with such caveats, the tendency is for them to be ignored while the basic model continues to be used. Even so harsh a critic of economic interpretations of osteoarchaeological materials as H. P. Uerpmann (1973) has argued for the validity of age and sex distribution as directly reflecting management strategies. 为了支持 Sherratt 的观点，即次级产品如牛奶和羊毛的初步使用发生在公元前四千年左右的近东，新研究同样利用了年龄和性别分析（Davis 1976, 1984; Halstead 1981; Smith 和 Horwitz 1984）。在这些案例中，较高比例的老年羊驼被解读为希腊和黎凡特地区从以肉类生产为主的假定模式转向牛奶生产的证据，这一假定模式在早期遗址中表现为未成熟个体的比例较大。这些解释中的许多源于 Payne（1973）对建立反映不同管理目标的模型屠宰模式的影响力尝试，尽管他承认这些模型只能是暂时性的。然而，正如这种警告常常发生的情况一样，人们往往忽视它们，而基本模型仍然被继续使用。即使是对经济解释持严厉批评态度的 H. P. Uerpmann（1973）也主张年龄和性别分布的有效性直接反映管理策略。
Nevertheless, there remain real difficulties with such analyses. Even if one dismissed the numerous problems of sample bias and taphonomy and assumed complete recovery of mortality data, inherent problems remain in the model. As so often happens with models, once a good one is developed we regularly attempt to subject it to overwork. This appears to be the case with Payne's (1973) models for kill-off patterns in meat, milk, and wool flocks. 然而，这种分析仍然存在实际困难。即使人们忽视样本偏差和化石记录的众多问题，并假设死亡数据的完全恢复，模型中仍然存在固有问题。正如模型常常发生的情况一样，一旦开发出一个好的模型，我们就会定期尝试让它过度使用。这似乎就是佩恩（1973）关于肉类、牛奶和羊毛群体的杀戮模式模型的情况。
Halstead's contention that because sheep, goats, and other species "display the heavy immature death-rate characteristic of animals exploited primarily for meat' there is "therefore no evidence that the use of secondary products such as milk, wool or traction, had assumed sufficient importance'' (Halstead 1981:322323) appears premature. Similarly, Smith and Horwitz's (1984) conclusion that higher percentages of adult caprines during the early Bronze Age in the southern Levant represent a shift from meat to milk products reflects a failure to note Payne's contention that under comparable environmental conditions it is likely that the survivorship curves for females would be identical in meat- milk- or 霍尔斯特的观点认为，由于羊、山羊和其他物种“表现出以肉类为主要利用的动物特有的高幼年死亡率”，因此“没有证据表明，诸如牛奶、羊毛或牵引等副产品的使用已具有足够的重要性”（霍尔斯特 1981:322-323）似乎为时已早。同样，史密斯和霍维茨（1984）的结论认为，早期青铜时代南部黎凡特地区成年山羊的比例较高，代表了从肉类转向乳制品的转变，反映出未能注意到佩恩的观点，即在可比的环境条件下，雌性的生存曲线在肉类、乳制品或其他方面可能是相同的。
wool-oriented systems. Payne is assuming that, under the same conditions of feed and labor availability, similar choices will be made with respect to the composition of the brood flock. Such an assumption appears to be reasonable. 以羊毛为导向的系统。佩恩假设在饲料和劳动力可用性相同的条件下，关于种群组成将做出类似的选择。这种假设似乎是合理的。
What is overlooked in this rush to reify management objectives in age-sex profiles is that milk and meat can be complementary aims for the herder. As Payne notes in his ideal models for meat and milk kill-off patterns, both meat and milk flocks should be characterized by a high percentage of immature males. His milk model is characterized by mortality among males by 6 months of age, while in the meat model this level of male mortality will not be attained until 3 years of age (Payne 1973). 在急于将管理目标具体化为年龄-性别特征的过程中，常常忽视了牛奶和肉类可以是牧民的互补目标。正如佩恩在其理想的肉类和牛奶屠宰模式中所指出的，肉类和牛奶的羊群都应具有高比例的未成熟雄性。他的牛奶模型在 6 个月大的雄性中表现出 的死亡率，而在肉类模型中，这一雄性死亡率水平要到 3 岁时才能达到（佩恩 1973）。
These patterns are very familiar to those who have worked in the Mediterranean and the Near East, where in contemporary flocks both milk and meat are so important. In Greece, the principal reason for selling lambs by 3 months of age is the high price that this young meat commands on the market. This fact of meat production in Greece is important enough that successive national governments have offered herders generous subsidies to retain their lambs to older ages and higher weights (Koster 1977). However, if the market existed for heavier lambs, and it paid the producer in terms of labor, pasture, and opportunity costs, then heavier lambs would be produced by these same "milk" flocks and the pattern of kill off would become identical to the model posited by Payne for a meat flock. 这些模式对那些在地中海和近东工作过的人来说非常熟悉，在那里，现代羊群中牛奶和肉类都非常重要。在希腊，出售三个月大的羔羊的主要原因是这种年轻肉在市场上能获得高价。希腊肉类生产的这一事实重要到连续的国家政府都向牧羊人提供慷慨的补贴，以鼓励他们将羔羊养到更大的年龄和更高的体重（Koster 1977）。然而，如果市场存在于更重的羔羊，并且能在劳动力、牧场和机会成本方面给生产者带来收益，那么这些“奶”羊群就会生产更重的羔羊，屠宰模式将与 Payne 为肉羊群提出的模型完全相同。
The meat production model of high percentages of immature animals slaughtered makes the further assumption that males and unproductive females will be culled at the point when the ratio of feed consumed to weight gained begins to rise. This assumption is reasonable under feedlot conditions, when the high costs of feed or pasture exist (measured either in labor or exchange values), or when resources are hard pressed. However, in environments of low rainfall predictability, greater numbers of male stock are likely to be kept into maturity as a hedge against adversity (Dyson-Hudson and Dyson-Hudson 1969). 高比例未成熟动物屠宰的肉类生产模式进一步假设，雄性和无生产力的雌性将在饲料消耗与体重增加的比率开始上升时被淘汰。这个假设在饲养场条件下是合理的，当饲料或牧场的高成本存在时（无论是以劳动还是交换价值来衡量），或者当资源紧张时。然而，在降雨预测不确定的环境中，更多的雄性牲畜可能会被保留到成熟，以作为对抗逆境的保障（Dyson-Hudson 和 Dyson-Hudson 1969）。
In an oft-cited sequence of research, Killen (1964, 1966), working not from faunal remains but from the Linear B tablets of the palace of Knossos, concluded that the high number of males recorded in the flocks was evidence of an emphasis on wool production. This conclusion is similar to the model of wool production posited by Payne (1973), in which large numbers of males in addition to the brood flock are retained (presumably as wethers) for their superior wool production. In examples like that of Hellenistic-Late Roman Asvan Kale, in which a high proportion of animals were slaughtered between 2 and 6 years of age, an interpretation of the flock as being selected for production of high-quality wool (grade of wool production will often decline in advanced years) is probably warranted (Payne 1973). However, in such systems it should be noted that the flocks may just as likely be serving the purpose of "banking'' wealth in the form of meat on the hoof. In the instance of the Knossos flocks, one must wonder if in 在一系列常被引用的研究中，基伦（Killen，1964，1966）并不是从动物遗骸出发，而是从克诺索斯宫殿的线性 B 铭文中得出结论，记录中高数量的雄性羊群是对羊毛生产重视的证据。这个结论与佩恩（Payne，1973）提出的羊毛生产模型相似，该模型认为除了繁殖羊群外，还保留大量雄性羊（大概是阉羊），以获得更优质的羊毛。在像希腊化-晚罗马时期的阿斯万卡莱（Asvan Kale）这样的例子中，高比例的动物在 2 到 6 岁之间被屠宰，可能合理地解释为该羊群是为了生产高质量的羊毛而被选择的（羊毛生产的等级通常在晚年会下降）（佩恩，1973）。然而，在这样的系统中，应该注意到，这些羊群也可能同样是为了以“活体肉”的形式“储存”财富。在克诺索斯羊群的情况下，人们不禁要问是否在
addition to the direct goal of wool production there was another aim on the part of the palace elite. By offering their flocks the maximum opportunity for expansion by failing to cull males, the elite were not only increasing wool production but also effectively preempting grazing resources which could otherwise easily be poached by the flocks of subordinate households. This policy would have presaged the attempts of Spanish and Italian elites to effectively appropriate resources and convert them to wealth through organizations like the Mesta and Dogana. Thus, these large palace flocks could have served as storage for wealth, produced a valuable commodity in wool, and helped the elite control marginal resources which in turn could lead to a relatively cheap form of control over the subordinate population. 除了直接的羊毛生产目标外，宫廷精英还有另一个目的。通过不对雄性羊进行淘汰，给他们的羊群提供最大扩展机会，精英们不仅增加了羊毛生产，还有效地预 empt 了本可被下层家庭的羊群轻易掠夺的放牧资源。这一政策预示了西班牙和意大利精英试图有效占有资源并通过像梅斯塔和多加纳这样的组织将其转化为财富的努力。因此，这些大型宫廷羊群可以作为财富的储存，生产出有价值的羊毛商品，并帮助精英控制边缘资源，从而可能导致对下层人口的相对廉价控制。
It is far beyond the scope of this chapter to review all of the contributions of zooarchaeology. At this juncture we mention only a few directions which hold particular potential. First, as Baker and Brothwell (1980) have commented, there has been far too little concern with the paleopathology of archaeological faunal assemblages. For example, Smith and Horwitz have claimed that radiographic evidence of osteoporosis in the metacarpals of older sheep and goats is the result of "continued calcium drain through prolonged milking and repeated pregnancies" (1984:468). As these researchers found no signs of Harris lines or rickets in juveniles from their sample, they felt that the thin cortical bone found in adult metacarpals did not reflect nutritional or disease stress at an earlier age. This is a stimulating line of research, although as Baker and Brothwell (1980) have noted, osteoporosis can also be a sign of long-term nitrogen stress or protein stress occasioned by poor pastures. We still have too little control over the etiology of osteoporosis for Smith and Horwitz's findings to be accepted as definitive. 本章的范围远远超出了回顾动物考古学的所有贡献。在此，我们仅提及几个具有特别潜力的方向。首先，正如贝克和布罗斯韦尔（1980）所评论的，考古动物群的古病理学关注得太少。例如，史密斯和霍维茨声称，老羊和山羊的掌骨中骨质疏松的放射学证据是由于“通过长期挤奶和多次怀孕造成的持续钙流失”（1984:468）。由于这些研究者在他们的样本中未发现哈里斯线或佝偻病的迹象，他们认为成年掌骨中发现的薄皮质骨并不反映早期的营养或疾病压力。这是一条激励人心的研究方向，尽管正如贝克和布罗斯韦尔（1980）所指出的，骨质疏松也可能是由于劣质牧场造成的长期氮压力或蛋白质压力的迹象。我们对骨质疏松的病因仍然掌控不足，因此史密斯和霍维茨的发现尚不能被接受为定论。
The efforts of Zeder (1978) to differentiate animals from different ecosystems on the basis of bone microstructure and chemical composition also offer a useful avenue of research. By analyzing bones from contemporary sheep and goats from different Iranian habitats, Zeder hoped to trace differences in structural and chemical composition. Although this work was not entirely successful, there were sufficient differences. For example, calcium levels in lowland sedentary sheep were significantly higher than those found in transhumant sheep, and trabecular thickness ratios of distal humeri were significantly lower for lowlandhighland transhumants than for highland-highland transhumants or for wild sheep. Such efforts to link bone materials to behavior and environment are to be encouraged. 泽德（1978）基于骨骼微观结构和化学成分区分不同生态系统中的动物的努力也提供了一个有用的研究途径。通过分析来自不同伊朗栖息地的现代绵羊和山羊的骨骼，泽德希望追踪结构和化学成分的差异。尽管这项工作并不完全成功，但仍然发现了足够的差异。例如，低地定居绵羊的钙含量显著高于迁徙绵羊，而低地-高地迁徙绵羊的远端肱骨小梁厚度比高地-高地迁徙绵羊或野生绵羊显著低。这种将骨骼材料与行为和环境联系起来的努力应当受到鼓励。
Another promising method of accessing environmental and dietary data from bone is through isotopic fractionation analysis (Browman 1981a; Klepinger 1984). Plants use at least one of three different pathways in photosynthesis ( , , or CAM), and these pathways tend to be associated with different environments (Burris and Black 1976). Stable carbon isotopic analysis of plant materials directly or of bone collagen from plant-consuming animals will provide correla- 另一种有前景的方法是通过同位素分馏分析获取骨骼的环境和饮食数据（Browman 1981a；Klepinger 1984）。植物在光合作用中使用至少三种不同的途径中的一种（ 、 或 CAM），这些途径往往与不同的环境相关（Burris 和 Black 1976）。对植物材料或食草动物骨胶原的稳定碳同位素分析将提供相关性。
tion with the photosynthetic pathway. Prior to this realization it was common for bone collagen to be considered an unreliable source for radiocarbon dating because of unpredictable variations in isotopic composition. But these variations exist because of the correlation between the carbon isotopic ratio of the plant food and the isotopic composition of the grazing animal's bone (Browman 1981a:275). 与光合作用途径的关系。在这一认识之前，骨胶原常被认为是放射性碳定年不可靠的来源，因为同位素组成的不可预测变化。但这些变化的存在是因为植物食物的碳同位素比率与食草动物骨骼的同位素组成之间的相关性（Browman 1981a:275）。
Caswell et al. (1973) demonstrated a shift from to plant-species dominance in Idaho pastures through the interpretation of a shift in levels in bone collagen from herbivores which overgrazed this range. A similar study on vegetation selectivity among Kenyan herbivores was conducted by Tieszan et al. (1979). The same method allowed De Niro and Epstein (1978) to distinguish two sympatric species of hyrax and to confirm one as primarily a browser and the other as a grazer. Caswell 等人（1973）通过对过度放牧该地区的草食动物骨胶原中 水平变化的解读，展示了爱达荷州牧场从 到 植物物种主导地位的转变。Tieszan 等人（1979）对肯尼亚草食动物的植被选择性进行了类似的研究。同样的方法使 De Niro 和 Epstein（1978）能够区分两种同域的岩鼠，并确认其中一种主要是浏览者，另一种是食草者。
One of the problems with this form of analysis, however, is that often little collagen remains in archaeologically recovered bone, and researchers attempt to use stable carbon isotopic ratios for bone apatite. Considerable controversy exists over the question of whether apatite is affected by postmortem isotopic exchange (Schoeninger and De Niro 1982, 1983; Sullivan and Krueger 1981, 1983). 这种分析形式的一个问题是，考古发现的骨骼中通常残留很少的胶原蛋白，研究人员试图使用骨骼磷灰石的稳定碳同位素比。关于磷灰石是否受到尸后同位素交换的影响存在相当大的争议（Schoeninger 和 De Niro 1982, 1983；Sullivan 和 Krueger 1981, 1983）。
This kind of analysis in anthropological contexts has had its major applications in considerations of human diet (Bender et al. 1981; De Niro and Epstein 1981; van der Merwe and Vogel 1978; van der Merwe et al. 1981). The potential applications of this methodology to archaeological faunal assemblages and its importance for understanding past relationships among plants, animals, and herders are self-evident. Another possible use for such analysis is the potential for tracing the feeding of fodder plants and grains to livestock. An example of a similar study is that of Burleigh and Brothwell (1978), in which deviations in from dog bones are interpreted as evidence of the fattening of these animals with maize (the validity of this interpretation has been criticized; Klepinger 1984). 这种在人类学背景下的分析在考虑人类饮食方面有重要应用（Bender 等，1981；De Niro 和 Epstein，1981；van der Merwe 和 Vogel，1978；van der Merwe 等，1981）。这种方法在考古动物群体中的潜在应用及其对理解植物、动物和牧民之间过去关系的重要性是不言而喻的。此类分析的另一个可能用途是追踪饲料植物和谷物对牲畜的喂养。一个类似研究的例子是 Burleigh 和 Brothwell（1978），其中对狗骨头中 的偏差被解释为这些动物以玉米为饲料的证据（这一解释的有效性受到批评；Klepinger，1984）。
The importance of faunal analysis for interpreting pastoralism in the archaeological record is apparent from even this cursory review. The point is not to deny the utility of osteoarchaeology, but rather to argue for the necessity of archaeologists to transcend their heavy dependence upon this single data source, and to employ the fullest range of available archaeological data and methods. 在考古记录中，动物分析对于解释牧业的重要性从这简要的回顾中显而易见。关键并不是否认骨考古学的实用性，而是主张考古学家有必要超越对这一单一数据源的高度依赖，运用可用的最全面的考古数据和方法。
PASTORAL SITES AND SURVEY 牧场地点与调查
An obvious first step in the study of past systems of pastoralism is archaeological survey. Several basic questions arise in this regard: What kinds of activities and resultant sites might one expect to find archaeologically on the 研究过去牧业系统的明显第一步是考古调查。在这方面出现了几个基本问题：从考古学的角度来看，可能会发现哪些类型的活动和相应的遗址？
basis of the ethnographic record? How archaeologically visible will they be? What research strategies will be most effective in locating them? 民族志记录的基础是什么？它们在考古上会有多明显？哪些研究策略在定位它们时最有效？
Because of the strong tendency for pastoralists to depend upon physically dispersed and seasonally available resources, it is to be anticipated that such economic activity will make the broadest spatial use of the environment. Although we often tend to think of pastoral activities as being marginal to agriculture, in most instances pastoralists retain strong links to agriculture or actively practice it themselves. Indeed, in many instances these two production systems not only are linked but overlap physically as flocks graze the village arable, using fallow fields, grain stubble, tree prunings, and crop residues. Surveys aimed at discerning the full range of pastoral activities thus would have to consider total regional coverage, rather than focusing solely on those areas marginal to agriculture as has been suggested by Hole (1978). 由于牧民强烈依赖于分散的、季节性可用的资源，因此可以预期这种经济活动将对环境进行最广泛的空间利用。尽管我们常常倾向于认为牧业活动与农业关系不大，但在大多数情况下，牧民与农业保持着紧密的联系，或者自己积极从事农业。实际上，在许多情况下，这两种生产系统不仅相互关联，而且在物理上重叠，因为羊群在村庄的耕地上放牧，利用休耕地、谷物秸秆、树枝修剪和作物残留物。因此，旨在识别牧业活动全貌的调查必须考虑到整个区域的覆盖，而不是仅仅关注那些与农业边缘相关的地区，正如 Hole（1978）所建议的。
In a similar vein, much concern has been voiced by archaeologists about distinguishing sites on the basis of economic practices such as foraging and hunting, pastoralism, or agriculture (Bar-Yosef 1984; Geddes 1985; Gifford 1978; Hole 1978). Just as pastoralists often engage in agriculture, it is likely that foraging and hunting may play a role in their household economy (Gifford 1978; Gifford et al. 1980; Schrire 1980; Wilmsen 1980), and their sites should reflect these activities. Such sites may be linked on the basis of artifacts or faunal remains to groups engaged in animal husbandry, but even the presence of such material does not establish the economic identity of these groups. 在类似的情况下，考古学家对根据经济实践（如觅食和狩猎、牧羊或农业）区分遗址表示了很大的关注（Bar-Yosef 1984；Geddes 1985；Gifford 1978；Hole 1978）。正如牧民通常参与农业一样，觅食和狩猎可能在他们的家庭经济中发挥作用（Gifford 1978；Gifford et al. 1980；Schrire 1980；Wilmsen 1980），他们的遗址应反映这些活动。这些遗址可能基于文物或动物遗骸与从事畜牧业的群体相关联，但即使存在这样的材料，也并不能确立这些群体的经济身份。
What kinds of sites would be the result of pastoral activities? Hole (1978) has presented a review of the kinds of sites and facilities produced in Luristan, and his work offers a reasonable preliminary answer to such a question. We have modified and expanded his list of pastoral site types. This description of possible activities and sites is not intended to be comprehensive, because the multiresource nature of pastoral life would require an unwieldy and not very useful compendium. Our list includes the kinds of sites likely to result from broad categories of pastoral activity. Obviously, many of these activities may take place at multiple types of sites. 牧业活动会产生什么样的遗址？霍尔（1978）对卢里斯坦地区产生的遗址和设施进行了综述，他的研究为这个问题提供了合理的初步答案。我们对他的牧业遗址类型进行了修改和扩展。这个可能的活动和遗址的描述并不打算是全面的，因为牧业生活的多资源特性会需要一个笨重且不太实用的汇编。我们的列表包括可能由广泛的牧业活动类别产生的遗址类型。显然，这些活动中的许多可能会在多种类型的遗址上进行。
Habitation-including sleeping and food preparation facilities. These may be more or less substantial, ranging from fixed houses, either as isolated homesteads or in villages, to more ephemeral reed, brush, or tent shelters (Faegre 1979). Such portable shelters may also be stabilized by excavation or the addition of stone walls. This practice is usually found where an effort is made to provide greater stability to lighter structures and to minimize the effects of heavy weather (Bar-Yosef 1984; Chang 1981, 1984; Cribb 1982, 1983; Edelberg 1966-1967; Hole 1978; Watson 1979). Camps may also be open sites or located in caves or rockshelters (Hole 1978; Jacobsen 1976, 1981; Solecki 1979). 居住设施，包括睡眠和食品准备设施。这些设施可能是相对固定的房屋，既可以是孤立的农场，也可以是村庄，或者是更为短暂的芦苇、灌木或帐篷庇护所（Faegre 1979）。这种可移动的庇护所也可以通过挖掘或添加石墙来稳定。通常在努力为较轻结构提供更大稳定性并尽量减少恶劣天气影响的地方可以发现这种做法（Bar-Yosef 1984；Chang 1981, 1984；Cribb 1982, 1983；Edelberg 1966-1967；Hole 1978；Watson 1979）。营地也可以是开放的地点，或位于洞穴或岩石庇护所中（Hole 1978；Jacobsen 1976, 1981；Solecki 1979）。
Grazing-pastures. At first one might not think of grazing areas as more than resources to be exploited, and certainly not as sites. In cases where grazing 放牧草场。起初，人们可能不会将放牧区域视为仅仅是可被开发的资源，更不会将其视为地点。在放牧的情况下，
areas are appropriated as property, we are likely to find physical improvement and boundary maintenance, both of which are indicative of cultural control. For example, in many areas of the Mediterranean, rocks are cleared from pastures to construct walls which enclose privately owned grazing land. In Greece, small cairns are often built on pastures both to indicate ownership and to offer protection against kalikantzari, spirits who devour fresh grass. They may also be used in the fashion of scarecrows to assist in herding (Koster 1977). 当地区被视为财产时，我们很可能会发现物理改善和边界维护，这两者都表明了文化控制。例如，在地中海的许多地区，岩石被清除以建造围墙，围住私人拥有的放牧土地。在希腊，小石堆常常在牧场上建造，既表示所有权，又提供对吞食新鲜草的精灵 kalikantzari 的保护。它们也可以像稻草人一样使用，以帮助放牧（Koster 1977）。
Watering-wells, cisterns, and springs. Both people and livestock require ready access to water. Wells are dug by pastoralists, and springs may be cleaned out and improved (Dyson-Hudson 1966; Hole 1978; Tapper 1979). Often herders will construct or excavate watering troughs at such locations, and if these troughs are long in length they provide good evidence of pastoral use (Martin 1980a). The location of other herding facilities and activities with reference to watering points will vary considerably with respect to season, species being herded, and goals of management. For example, during winter months in both the Argolid, Greece (Chang 1981; Koster 1977) and the Turan, Iran (Horne 1980a; Nyerges 1982), sheep and goat flocks are folded at distances of 4 to 5 km from water. For reasons of avoiding the mixing of flocks, and of disease, it is also unlikely for animals to be kept in immediate proximity to water, unless the point water source is used solely by one flock or it is impractical to haul large volumes of water a distance (Horne 1980a; Koster 1977; Martin 1980b; Smith 1978). 灌溉井、蓄水池和泉水。人和牲畜都需要方便获取水源。牧民会挖井，泉水也可以被清理和改善（Dyson-Hudson 1966；Hole 1978；Tapper 1979）。牧民通常会在这些地点建造或挖掘饮水槽，如果这些槽很长，就能很好地证明其牧用（Martin 1980a）。其他牧场设施和活动与饮水点的相对位置会因季节、放牧的物种和管理目标而有很大差异。例如，在希腊阿尔戈利德（Chang 1981；Koster 1977）和伊朗图兰（Horne 1980a；Nyerges 1982）的冬季，羊群和山羊群通常会在距离水源 4 到 5 公里的地方圈养。为了避免羊群混合和疾病传播，动物通常不会被放置在水源附近，除非该水源仅供一个羊群使用，或者搬运大量水到远处不切实际（Horne 1980a；Koster 1977；Martin 1980b；Smith 1978）。
Movement-trails. In many instances herders have followed regular trails in moving their animals over long distances (Barth 1961; Bates 1973; Digard 1979; Johnson 1969; Koster 1976). Often these tracks will be improved and stabilized for the passage of pack animals over rough ground. In some cases, as with the Cañadas Reales of the Mesta (Klein 1920) or the tratturi of the Dogana delle Pecore (Braudel 1949), broad trails were maintained and often marked by posts and cairns (Ryder 1983). In more localized situations, trails to and from watering points, pastures, and animal enclosures were commonly used and can often be identified. 移动路径。在许多情况下，牧民在长距离移动动物时会遵循固定的路径（Barth 1961；Bates 1973；Digard 1979；Johnson 1969；Koster 1976）。这些路径通常会得到改善和稳定，以便驮动物在崎岖地面上通行。在某些情况下，例如梅斯塔的 Cañadas Reales（Klein 1920）或羊群关税局的 tratturi（Braudel 1949），会维护宽阔的路径，并常常用标杆和石堆标记（Ryder 1983）。在更局部的情况下，往返于水源、牧场和动物围栏的路径被广泛使用，并且通常可以被识别。
Sheltering and confinement of animals-stables, folds, corrals, pens, and wind screens. At times all herd animals must be congregated and confined for a variety of management purposes. In many cases structures are substantial, with internal subdivisions allowing for the separation of groups within herds. In the zone from Europe to China such structures are usually constructed for use during the heaviest winter weather or for birthing periods. They include subterranean and aboveground stables in villages (Horne 1980b; Kramer 1982; Watson 1979), excavated subterranean folds on pasture (Tapper 1979), field stone folds roofed with brush, tents, reeds, and mud or dung (Chang 1981, 1984; Cribb 1982, 1983; Edelberg 1966-1967; Horne 1980a), and kraals of stone, wood, and brush (Elphick 1977). Often corrals are constructed of stone, mud, dung, and brush or of more temporary and portable materials (Campbell 1964; Kelley 1982a; Orlove 1977a, 1977b; Tapper 1979) to be used for short-term confinement, for protec- 动物的庇护和圈养——马厩、羊圈、围栏、 pens 和风屏幕。有时所有的群体动物必须聚集并圈养以满足各种管理目的。在许多情况下，建筑物是坚固的，内部有分隔，允许在群体内分开不同的组。在从欧洲到中国的区域，这些建筑通常是在最严寒的冬季天气或分娩期间使用。它们包括村庄中的地下和地上马厩（Horne 1980b；Kramer 1982；Watson 1979）、牧场上的挖掘地下羊圈（Tapper 1979）、用石头、树枝、帐篷、芦苇和泥土或粪便覆盖的田野石圈（Chang 1981, 1984；Cribb 1982, 1983；Edelberg 1966-1967；Horne 1980a），以及用石头、木材和树枝建造的围栏（Elphick 1977）。围栏通常由石头、泥土、粪便和树枝或更临时和可移动的材料（Campbell 1964；Kelley 1982a；Orlove 1977a, 1977b；Tapper 1979）构成，用于短期圈养和保护。
tion from predators, and for milking, shearing, blood collection, and inspection. In many cases dung is collected from these areas to be used as fuel or fertilizer (Tapper 1979; Winterhalder et al. 1974), while elsewhere such temporary pens are moved about on the landscape with the goal of directly manuring agricultural fields. Orlove (1977a) reports the regular use of corrals as garden areas subsequent to occupation in the Andes. Often caves are used to shelter and confine animals, especially during colder and wetter months (Hole 1978; Jacobsen 1981; Murray and Chang 1981; Solecki 1979), and, indeed, much of the soil archaeologists excavate in these locations consists of the dung deposits of these animals. 来自捕食者的保护，以及挤奶、剪毛、采血和检查。在许多情况下，这些区域的粪便被收集用作燃料或肥料（Tapper 1979；Winterhalder 等 1974），而在其他地方，这种临时围栏在景观中移动，目的是直接施肥农业田地。Orlove（1977a）报告说，在安第斯山脉，围栏在占用后被定期用作花园区域。洞穴常常被用来庇护和限制动物，尤其是在寒冷和潮湿的月份（Hole 1978；Jacobsen 1981；Murray 和 Chang 1981；Solecki 1979），实际上，考古学家在这些地方挖掘的大部分土壤由这些动物的粪便沉积物组成。
Storage-barns and bins. Where provision must be made for stored fodder for animals, natural features like caves or rockshelters may be used, abandoned structures may find reuse (Hole 1978), or storage facilities may be constructed (Sharani 1979). In more localized situations where animals must be maintained on fodder for months, such structures will often represent an important architectural component (Netting 1972). Storage bins for grains, nuts, and other products may also be built in a variety of locations (Hole 1978). 储存仓库和箱子。为了储存动物饲料，可能会利用自然特征，如洞穴或岩石庇护所，废弃的建筑物也可能被重新利用（Hole 1978），或者可以建造储存设施（Sharani 1979）。在更局部的情况下，当动物必须在饲料上维持数月时，这些结构通常会成为重要的建筑组成部分（Netting 1972）。谷物、坚果和其他产品的储存箱也可以在多种地点建造（Hole 1978）。
Ritual behavior-shrines and burials. Hole (1978) mentions the practice of travelers piling rocks on cairns near important shrines. In the northern Mediterranean, hilltop shrines are associated with pastoralists (Koster 1977). Burials also provide an important kind of site, although considerable variation exists in pastoral mortuary practice. 仪式行为——神龛和埋葬。霍尔（1978）提到旅行者在重要神龛附近堆石头的习俗。在北地中海，山顶神龛与牧民有关（科斯特 1977）。埋葬也提供了一种重要的遗址，尽管在牧业的丧葬习俗中存在相当大的差异。
How visible would these pastoral activities be in the archaeological record? Gifford (1978) addresses this question with regard to a group of pastoral sites in the Lake Turkana area and comes to the conclusion that, because of low discard rates and poor preservation conditions (sites were subject to deflation and severe weathering), "some transhumant or semi-nomadic pastoralists may even be more 'invisible' than hunter-gatherers'' (Gifford 1978:99). Robbins (1973) makes a similar point with respect to the low discard rates on recently abandoned Turkana sites. These arguments are in accord with the traditional view of the traces of pastoralists as being literally blown away in the wind. In the semiarid regions of the Near East and North Africa, natural processes of alluviation and erosion have created the opposite problem by obscuring the surface remains of herding and farming populations situated in piedmont or dune areas (Brookes et al. 1982; Connor 1982; Voight 1977). This leads to obvious limitations in terms of surveying design and the explanation of survey data with regard to questions of settlement pattern, site diversity, and environmental exploitation (Ammerman 1981; Schiffer et al. 1978). 这些牧业活动在考古记录中会有多明显？吉福德（1978）针对图尔卡纳湖地区的一组牧业遗址回答了这个问题，并得出结论，由于废弃率低和保存条件差（遗址受到风蚀和严重风化的影响），“一些季节性迁徙或半游牧的牧民可能比猎人-采集者更‘隐形’”（吉福德 1978:99）。罗宾斯（1973）在最近被遗弃的图尔卡纳遗址上也提出了类似的观点，指出废弃率低。这些论点与传统观点一致，即牧民的痕迹在风中字面上被吹走。在近东和北非的半干旱地区，自然的淤积和侵蚀过程造成了相反的问题，掩盖了位于山前或沙丘地区的牧羊和农业人口的地表遗迹（布鲁克斯等，1982；康纳，1982；沃伊特，1977）。 这在调查设计和解释调查数据方面导致了明显的局限性，涉及到定居模式、地点多样性和环境开发的问题（Ammerman 1981；Schiffer 等，1978）。
As the above review of pastoral activities indicates, there should be great variability in the preservation and visibility of pastoral sites. It is true that pastoralists (especially those who are more mobile) must be parsimonious with 如上所述的牧区活动回顾所示，牧区遗址的保存和可见性应该有很大的变异性。确实，牧民（尤其是那些更为流动的牧民）必须节俭地使用
respect to their artifact inventory. Some pastoralists live at least part of the year in fixed and substantial houses (Koster 1977; Tapper 1979; Watson 1979), while others employ only the black tent or less. A similar variability will be found in all of the sites associated with other activities. Another major problem with habitation sites is that often the artifact inventory recovered will be indistinguishable from that of households engaged in hunting and gathering or agriculture. As in Geddes' (1985) case of ovicaprine bones found in Languedoc, the simple presence of domesticate bones at such sites cannot be taken as unequivocal proof of pastoralism, because the animals from which these bones derive may just as easily have been secured through theft or trade. 关于他们的文物清单，一些牧民至少在一年中的一部分时间里住在固定且坚固的房屋中（Koster 1977；Tapper 1979；Watson 1979），而其他人则仅使用黑色帐篷或更少。在与其他活动相关的所有遗址中也会发现类似的变异性。居住遗址的另一个主要问题是，通常回收的文物清单与从事狩猎、采集或农业的家庭的文物清单无法区分。正如 Geddes（1985）在朗格多克发现的羊驼骨的案例一样，这些遗址中家畜骨骼的简单存在不能被视为牧业的明确证据，因为这些骨骼来源的动物同样可能是通过盗窃或交易获得的。
Animal Enclosures as Key Pastoral Sites 动物围栏作为关键的牧场场所
In planning surveys of pastoral sites, a priority should be accorded attempts that maximize the recognition of animal enclosures. It is of course recognized that such enclosures tend to have a seasonal use, and this fact should affect their distribution. 在规划牧场地点的调查时，应优先考虑最大限度地识别动物围栏的尝试。当然，众所周知，这些围栏往往是季节性使用的，这一事实应影响它们的分布。
Because all pastoralists confine their animals at times, regardless of their degree of mobility, and such activity leads to a significant change in the immediate environment of the enclosure through soil compaction and deposition of dung and urine with concomitant changes in soil and vegetation characteristics, this type of site should be particularly attractive to archaeologists. Often through satellite or aerial reconnaissance such sites can be recognized by differential soil albedo or by vegetation differences (Hamlin 1980). An additional advantage of such sites is that often enclosures may be quite substantial in their construction, and, the Dassanetch and Turkana sites notwithstanding, it is likely that much of this architecture may be archaeologically available. In contrast to habitation sites (which are often found in conjunction with pens), they offer unequivocal evidence of pastoralism in the form of dung deposits. In the past, such sites have often been thought to be uninteresting, but it is our contention that they have more potential for yielding information on pastoral herds and their management than has any other type of site. Another critical characteristic of these sites is that, in all cases, whether of extremely mobile and specialized or of sedentary and agrarian pastoralists, they provide a home base from which to graze (Chang 1981, 1984; Horne 1980a; Koster 1977; Nyerges 1977, 1980, 1982). The pastoral site as a "home base" deserves greater investigation in both the ethnographic and archaeological record. Often we demand answers about whether a site reflects long-distance transhumance or more sedentary pastoralism. Whether the enclosure is used on a short- or long-term basis, and regardless of the strategy of mobility employed by the pastoralists, the enclosure becomes a focus for use by the animals managed at it. We recognize that herders move and locate en- 因为所有的牧民在某些时候都会限制他们的动物，无论它们的移动能力如何，这种活动会通过土壤压实和粪便及尿液的沉积显著改变围栏周围的环境，并伴随土壤和植被特征的变化，因此这种类型的遗址对考古学家特别有吸引力。通常通过卫星或空中侦察，这些遗址可以通过土壤反照率的差异或植被差异来识别（Hamlin 1980）。这些遗址的另一个优势是，围栏的结构往往相当坚固，尽管达萨内奇和图尔卡纳遗址的情况不同，但很可能这些建筑的大部分在考古上是可用的。与居住遗址（通常与围栏一起发现）相比，它们提供了明确的牧业证据，形式为粪便沉积。过去，这些遗址常常被认为不有趣，但我们认为它们在提供关于牧群及其管理的信息方面比其他任何类型的遗址都有更大的潜力。 这些地点的另一个关键特征是，无论是极具流动性和专业化的群体，还是定居的农业牧民，它们都提供了一个可以放牧的基地（Chang 1981, 1984; Horne 1980a; Koster 1977; Nyerges 1977, 1980, 1982）。作为“基地”的牧场地点在民族志和考古记录中都值得更深入的研究。我们常常要求回答一个地点是否反映了长距离的迁徙还是更为定居的牧业。无论围栏是短期还是长期使用，无论牧民采用何种流动策略，围栏都成为管理在此放牧动物的一个使用焦点。我们认识到牧民会移动和定位
closures for a variety of reasons in addition to gaining access to pasture, water, and minerals. Concern for security, avoidance of disease vectors, proximity to markets, control by state agencies, avoidance of predators, and proximity to fields or other resources used in a mixed economy are just a few of the alternative reasons which might be cited. But even if access to grazing and water is not the primary basis for enclosure location, it still must be considered, because the site is the pivotal location from which the herd may exploit these resources. 围栏的设立有多种原因，除了获取牧场、水源和矿物外。对安全的关注、避免疾病传播者、靠近市场、受到国家机构的控制、避免捕食者以及靠近田地或其他在混合经济中使用的资源，这些都是可能被提及的替代原因。但即使获取放牧和水源并不是围栏选址的主要依据，这一点仍然必须考虑，因为该地点是牧群利用这些资源的关键位置。
Although site catchment analysis as advocated by Higgs and Vita-Finzi (1972) has been justifiably criticized as a technique for evaluating environmental attributes of prehistoric land use (Ammerman 1985), it is likely, because of the special nature of animal enclosure sites and their strong tendency to be closely linked to pasture and water resources, that this approach may have considerable applicability with respect to these specialized sites. In site catchment analysis, a catchment basin is defined by a radius surrounding a site: The vegetation cover, slope gradient and watershed, soil types, and rainfall within the catchment basin are recorded to determine patterns of prehistoric land use (Higgs and VitaFinzi 1972). The premise of site catchment analysis is that measurement of contemporary environmental variables will provide data indicative of earlier land use and economic exploitation of sites (Roper 1979). Because most pastoral subsistence frequently relies upon natural vegetation for grazing territories, it appears that site catchment analysis could be used to evaluate the potential of pasture in the immediate vicinity of prehistoric sites. However the catchment basin of radius is not a sufficient unit for pastoral grazing territories. Therefore site catchment analysis has some serious limitations for delimiting pastoral territories. Often special pastoral sites such as animal folds, bomas, and corrals mark the grazing territories of contemporary herders (Chang 1981). Other kinds of spatial analysis like point-patterning techniques and the nearest-neighbor statistic would be useful for determining pastoral territories (Chang 1981). 尽管 Higgs 和 Vita-Finzi（1972）提倡的场地集水区分析作为评估史前土地使用环境属性的技术受到合理批评（Ammerman 1985），但由于动物围栏遗址的特殊性质及其与牧场和水资源紧密相关的强烈倾向，这种方法在这些专业遗址方面可能具有相当的适用性。在场地集水区分析中，集水区是通过围绕遗址的 半径定义的：记录集水区内的植被覆盖、坡度、流域、土壤类型和降雨量，以确定史前土地使用的模式（Higgs 和 Vita-Finzi 1972）。场地集水区分析的前提是，测量当代环境变量将提供指示早期土地使用和经济开发遗址的数据（Roper 1979）。由于大多数牧业生计通常依赖于自然植被作为放牧领地，因此场地集水区分析似乎可以用来评估史前遗址附近牧场的潜力。 然而， 半径的集水盆地并不足以作为牧区的单位。因此，场地集水分析在划定牧区方面存在一些严重的局限性。通常，特殊的牧场地点，如动物圈、围栏和畜栏，标志着当代牧民的放牧领地（Chang 1981）。其他类型的空间分析，如点模式技术和最近邻统计，将有助于确定牧区（Chang 1981）。
The site catchments of six prehistoric pastoral Neolithic sites in East Africa have been analyzed as a method for testing the pastoral and agricultural potential at these locations (Robertshaw and Collett 1983). Four of the six sites had 5-kmradius catchment basins with poor soil types and low rainfall conditions indicative of little agricultural potential. At the two other sites, soil types were fertile and rich in loam, showing good agricultural potential. Archaeological evidence of ground and polished stone axes from other pastoral Neolithic sites from the Central Rift Valley of Kenya, presumably used as hoes for crop cultivation and querns for grinding cultivated cereals, point to the dependence of herding systems upon agriculture. In this case, perhaps the four sites with no agricultural potential were specialized pastoral sites used only for herding activities. Other contemporaneous sites found in better agricultural areas were most likely part of the same settlement-subsistence system-except, of course, that they were used for both herding and farming activities. 东非六个史前牧羊新石器时代遗址的集水区已被分析，以测试这些地点的牧羊和农业潜力（Robertshaw 和 Collett 1983）。六个遗址中有四个的 5 公里半径集水区土壤类型较差，降雨条件低，表明农业潜力有限。在另外两个遗址，土壤类型肥沃，富含壤土，显示出良好的农业潜力。来自肯尼亚中央裂谷其他牧羊新石器时代遗址的考古证据，包括磨制和抛光的石斧，可能被用作耕作的锄头和研磨谷物的石磨，表明牧羊系统依赖于农业。在这种情况下，或许四个没有农业潜力的遗址是专门用于牧羊活动的牧场遗址。其他同时期的遗址位于更好的农业地区，很可能是同一定居-生计系统的一部分——当然，它们同时用于牧羊和农业活动。
Again, the principal reason for focusing study on animal enclosures lies in the simple fact that such sites are the scene of most activities critical to the understanding of animal management systems. It is surprising that so little attention has been paid to the one item that is ubiquitously deposited at these sitesanimal dung. The archaeological study of coprolites is, of course, nothing new. It has been used for the analysis of diet and of paleovegetation since the pioneering studies of Laudermilk and Munz of fecal material from ground sloths in the Gypsum, Rampart, and Muav caves. Numerous studies have been conducted particularly on human coprolites in the intervening years (Bryant 1974a, 1974b; Bryant and Holloway 1983; Bryant and Williams-Dean 1975; Callen 1963, 1967; Callen and Martin 1969; Fry 1970; Heizer and Napton 1969; King 1977; Martin and Sharrock 1964; Schoenwetter 1974; Spaulding 1974; Yarnell 1969). Basic research still needs to be done on processes of deposition and postdepositional geochemical changes of animal dung in both open air and cave sites. At the risk of being accused of flippancy, we are calling for a resurgence in the linked approaches of paleoscatology and ethnoscatology. This might confirm the views of many Freudian analysts with regard to the inner motivations of archaeologists, but that should not deter us. 再次，研究动物围栏的主要原因在于这样一个简单的事实：这些地点是理解动物管理系统的关键活动的场所。令人惊讶的是，对于在这些地点普遍存在的一个项目——动物粪便，关注却如此之少。对粪化石的考古研究当然并不新鲜。自从 Laudermilk 和 Munz 对石灰岩、Rampart 和 Muav 洞穴中地面树懒的粪便材料进行开创性研究以来，它已被用于饮食和古植被的分析。在此期间，特别是对人类粪便化石进行了大量研究（Bryant 1974a, 1974b; Bryant 和 Holloway 1983; Bryant 和 Williams-Dean 1975; Callen 1963, 1967; Callen 和 Martin 1969; Fry 1970; Heizer 和 Napton 1969; King 1977; Martin 和 Sharrock 1964; Schoenwetter 1974; Spaulding 1974; Yarnell 1969）。在开放空气和洞穴地点，动物粪便的沉积过程和沉积后地球化学变化仍需进行基础研究。 冒着被指责轻率的风险，我们呼吁古粪学和民族粪便学的重新兴起。这可能会证实许多弗洛伊德分析师关于考古学家内在动机的看法，但这不应阻止我们。
Such an emphasis offers a variety of lines of research. First, the possibility of recovering microorganisms from dung deposits provides nonskeletal evidence for disease (Baker and Brothwell 1980; Dombrowski 1963; Reiser and Tasch 1960; Seaward et al. 1976; Tubbs and Berger 1967). Similarly, endoparasitic helminth remains can be found in dung deposits. As these parasites are commonly among the most destructive in contemporary domestic herbivores with regard to mortality and production, such data can be of real use in interpreting patterns of animal management (Baker and Brothwell 1980; Grzywinski 1962; Jansen and Over 1966; Nansen and Jorgensen 1977; Taylor 1955; Wilson and Rackham 1976). In some instances such parasites can infect humans as well, as in the case of the transmission of hydatid disease, which requires a carnivore (most often domestic herd dogs) as an intermediate host (Araujo 1977; Araujo et al. 1975). 这种强调提供了多种研究方向。首先，从粪便沉积物中恢复微生物的可能性为疾病提供了非骨骼证据（Baker 和 Brothwell 1980；Dombrowski 1963；Reiser 和 Tasch 1960；Seaward 等人 1976；Tubbs 和 Berger 1967）。同样，内寄生的蠕虫残骸也可以在粪便沉积物中找到。由于这些寄生虫在当代家养草食动物中通常是导致死亡和生产损失的最具破坏性的寄生虫，因此这些数据在解释动物管理模式时可以真正发挥作用（Baker 和 Brothwell 1980；Grzywinski 1962；Jansen 和 Over 1966；Nansen 和 Jorgensen 1977；Taylor 1955；Wilson 和 Rackham 1976）。在某些情况下，这些寄生虫也可以感染人类，例如水肿病的传播，这需要食肉动物（通常是家养犬）作为中间宿主（Araujo 1977；Araujo 等人 1975）。
Another line of research concerns the chemical analysis of pastoral paleosols. In particular, studies of soil phosphorus from animal enclosures should be of special import. Phosphate analysis has often been used as a survey instrument, or in attempts to delimit sites and activity areas (Cook and Heizer 1965; Deevey et al. 1979; Konrad et al. 1983). In recent years, there has been some controversy with regard to the accuracy and utility of such analysis and to its cost (Bakkevig 1980; Eidt 1973, 1977; Proudfoot 1976), but most of these problems appear soluble by carefully developing research and laboratory designs with regard to the specific site. Animal urine and feces are prime sources of phosphates in soil, and several workers have been able to identify structures which, on the basis of phosphate analysis, appear to have been used as animal enclosures (Conway 另一项研究涉及牧场古土壤的化学分析。特别是，动物围栏中土壤磷的研究应具有特别重要性。磷酸盐分析常被用作调查工具，或用于划定遗址和活动区域（Cook 和 Heizer 1965；Deevey 等 1979；Konrad 等 1983）。近年来，关于此类分析的准确性和实用性以及其成本存在一些争议（Bakkevig 1980；Eidt 1973, 1977；Proudfoot 1976），但这些问题大多数似乎可以通过针对特定地点仔细制定研究和实验室设计来解决。动物的尿液和粪便是土壤中磷酸盐的主要来源，几位研究者能够识别出一些结构，这些结构根据磷酸盐分析，似乎曾被用作动物围栏（Conway）。
1983; Provan 1971). Again, much basic research remains to be accomplished with regard to the utility of such techniques on pastoral sites, but where such remains offer one of the best opportunities for determining not just site distribution but the chance of measuring intensity of use, they should be pursued and refined. 1983; Provan 1971)。关于这些技术在牧场遗址上的实用性，仍然需要进行大量基础研究，但这些遗址提供了确定不仅是遗址分布而且是使用强度测量的最佳机会之一，因此应当继续追求和完善这些技术。
Another exciting potential data source which should be recoverable from enclosure sites is various forms of plant remains found in paleosols with a dung component. Such remains include seeds and macroplant remains which may be found in paleofeces. For example, Shimada and Shimada (1985) report camelid dung deposits on the Peruvian coast as deep as thick, from which they recovered maize stalks, cobs, and leaves, as well as algarrobo seeds found within individual dung pellets. They interpret this as evidence of the use of these plants as either stall fodder and bedding or directly grazed crop residues (Shimada and Shimada 1985:20). 另一个令人兴奋的潜在数据来源是可以从围栏遗址中恢复的各种植物遗骸，这些遗骸存在于含有粪便成分的古土壤中。这些遗骸包括种子和可能在古粪便中发现的宏观植物遗骸。例如，Shimada 和 Shimada（1985）报告称，在秘鲁海岸发现的骆驼粪沉积物厚度可达 ，从中他们恢复了玉米茎、穗和叶子，以及在单个粪球中发现的阿尔加罗博种子。他们将此解释为这些植物被用作饲料和垫料，或直接作为放牧作物残余的证据（Shimada 和 Shimada 1985:20）。
Pollen provides another familiar source of data potentially recoverable from such sites. The study of pollen from dry environments presents special problems of recovery and analysis (Moore and Stevenson 1982). 花粉提供了另一个熟悉的数据来源，可能从这些地点恢复。来自干燥环境的花粉研究在恢复和分析方面存在特殊问题（Moore 和 Stevenson 1982）。
Plant epidermal or cuticle fragments and plant opal phytoliths provide a third data source for deriving paleobotanical information from dung deposited in animal enclosures. Since Laudermilk and Munz employed this method, it is surprising that, with the exception of Iberall (1972), little subsequent use has been made of it. This is doubly odd when one considers that the analysis of plant cuticle fragments and opal phytoliths has long been a principal methodology available to range scientists for studying factors of natural diet among herbivores (Baker et al. 1961; Hercus 1960; Kiley 1966; Martin and Juniper 1970; Stewart 1967; Storr 1961; Zyznar and Urness 1969). 植物表皮或角质层碎片以及植物玉髓植物微体提供了从动物围栏中沉积的粪便中获取古植物学信息的第三个数据来源。自从 Laudermilk 和 Munz 采用这种方法以来，令人惊讶的是，除了 Iberall（1972）之外，几乎没有后续的使用。当考虑到植物角质层碎片和玉髓植物微体的分析长期以来一直是范围科学家研究草食动物自然饮食因素的主要方法时，这一点显得尤为奇怪（Baker 等，1961；Hercus，1960；Kiley，1966；Martin 和 Juniper，1970；Stewart，1967；Storr，1961；Zyznar 和 Urness，1969）。
The analysis of plant opal phytoliths has been reintroduced in archaeology (Carbone 1977; Lewis 1981; Pearsall 1982; Piperno 1984; Rovner 1983). Although much basic research must be completed before this line of evidence can be fully exploited, its potential is exciting. Opal phytoliths provide a complementary picture to that offered by pollen spectra because the area in which pollen analysis is difficult, that is, the grasses, is the area best discriminated by opal phytolith analysis (Brown 1984; Rovner 1983). This is of particular interest for pastoral studies because grass species usually are of prime importance to grazing animals. 植物玉髓植物微体的分析在考古学中重新引入（Carbone 1977；Lewis 1981；Pearsall 1982；Piperno 1984；Rovner 1983）。尽管在充分利用这一证据之前，仍需完成许多基础研究，但其潜力令人兴奋。玉髓植物微体提供了与花粉谱互补的视角，因为花粉分析困难的领域，即草类，是玉髓植物微体分析最能区分的领域（Brown 1984；Rovner 1983）。这对牧业研究尤其重要，因为草类物种通常对食草动物至关重要。
Phytoliths may also provide chronometric dates through radiocarbon techniques (Wilding 1967). Organic material is incorporated within the silica shell of the phytolith. Rovner summarizes the situation: "If an absolute date is worth the effort of processing large quantities of soil, a radiocarbon date should be feasible from any soil unit within the radiocarbon age range" (1983:256). And, of course, the dung itself may be radiocarbon dated, but phytoliths can provide a crucial independent source of chronological control. 植物微体石也可以通过放射性碳技术提供年代测定（Wilding 1967）。有机物质被纳入植物微体石的二氧化硅壳内。罗夫纳总结了这种情况：“如果绝对日期值得处理大量土壤，那么在放射性碳年龄范围内的任何土壤单元都应该可以获得放射性碳日期”（1983:256）。当然，粪便本身也可以进行放射性碳测定，但植物微体石可以提供一个至关重要的独立年代控制来源。
What kinds of information can such data provide to help in the interpretation of animal enclosures? Most obvious, all of these plant remains offer dietary information on the vegetation consumed by animals kept at the enclosure. In turn, this should yield insights with regard to local paleovegetation, season of use, range of grazing, and possibly intensity of pasture use. In both caves and open sites it is possible that, in conjunction with phosphate and geochemical analyses of dung deposits, phytoliths could also reveal dimensions of area used and intensity of occupation. Identification of phytoliths can also provide independent data on plant photosynthetic pathways to test those gained by measurement of ratios in bone remains. It can also provide a third test of diet in that, as Rovner (1983:246) contends, "the same ratio can be derived from occluded carbon trapped in phytoliths.'' Rovner (1983:246) also cites the work of Bombin and Muehlenbachs (1980), which indicates that ratios in phytoliths reflect the variables of temperature and available moisture. 这种数据可以提供哪些信息来帮助解释动物围栏？最明显的是，这些植物残留物提供了关于围栏内动物所食用植被的饮食信息。反过来，这应该能提供关于当地古植被、使用季节、放牧范围以及可能的牧场使用强度的见解。在洞穴和开放地点，结合粪便沉积物的磷酸盐和地球化学分析，植物微体也可能揭示使用区域的维度和占用强度。植物微体的识别还可以提供关于植物光合作用途径的独立数据，以验证通过骨骼残留物中 比率测量获得的数据。它还可以提供饮食的第三种测试，因为正如罗夫纳（1983:246）所言，“相同的比率可以从植物微体中被困的封闭碳中得出。”罗夫纳（1983:246）还引用了邦宾和穆伦巴赫斯（1980）的研究，表明植物微体中的 比率反映了温度和可用水分的变量。
Recent research in southern France also holds potential for the identification of animal enclosures. Helmer (1984) argues on the basis of abnormal frequencies of deciduous teeth found at two large cave sites in Provence that these areas were used as sheep and goat folds. These sites also show deposits of goat dung and low artifact density, which are interpreted as confirmatory evidence. Brochier (1983), also working in Neolithic cave deposits in southern France, has identified calcium spherulites which he argues are formed during the ovicaprine digestive process. He has found these mineral bodies in fresh ovicaprine fecal pellets as well. 最近在法国南部的研究也为识别动物围栏提供了潜在的可能性。赫尔默（1984 年）基于在普罗旺斯两个大型洞穴遗址中发现的异常频率的乳牙，认为这些地区被用作羊和山羊的圈舍。这些遗址还显示出山羊粪便的沉积和低密度的文物，这被解释为确认性证据。布罗基耶（1983 年）在法国南部的新石器时代洞穴沉积物中工作，识别出了钙球晶，他认为这些是在羊驼消化过程中形成的。他还在新鲜的羊驼粪便中发现了这些矿物体。
Therefore, although it is quite likely that animal enclosures will not provide rich faunal samples, they are likely to offer a variety of independent data sources for the testing and elaboration of the faunal record. It must be emphasized that most of these methods and their applications to pastoral sites are of a preliminary nature. Animal enclosures are specialized sites that require considerable study before we can know how to interpret their record most effectively. For instance, we need information on the effects of the severe trampling likely to result in such sites on the preservation and distribution of plant cuticle and opal phytoliths, from both open and cave locations, and for different environments. What are the cultural uses of these structures? What are the patterns of dung removal from such sites, and what are the implications for analysis? In this context, Gifford's (1981) call for more actualistic research appears to be a requisite direction in which to proceed. 因此，尽管动物围栏不太可能提供丰富的动物样本，但它们很可能为测试和阐述动物记录提供多种独立的数据来源。必须强调的是，这些方法及其在牧场遗址上的应用大多是初步性质的。动物围栏是专门的遗址，需要进行相当的研究，才能有效地解读它们的记录。例如，我们需要了解在这些遗址上严重践踏对植物表皮和蛋白石植物微体的保存和分布的影响，这些影响来自开放和洞穴位置，以及不同环境下的情况。这些结构的文化用途是什么？从这些遗址中粪便清除的模式是什么？这对分析有什么影响？在这种背景下，吉福德（1981）对更多实际研究的呼吁似乎是一个必要的方向。
Archaeological Survey in the Near East 近东考古调查
Although the potential for regional surveys of pastoral sites seems considerable, few are available. In the Near East, although great effort has been directed toward the study of early herding during the Neolithic period, substantial record- 尽管对牧场地点的区域调查潜力似乎相当可观，但可用的调查很少。在近东，尽管在新石器时代早期放牧研究方面投入了大量精力，但仍然缺乏实质性的记录。
ing of early herding sites has been scanty. Recently, archaeologists have begun to survey pastoral sites in Iran and Anatolia (Cribb 1983; Hole 1978, 1979; Mortensen 1974, 1975, 1976; Zagarell 1983). The aim of these surveys, conducted at prehistoric or contemporary nomadic sites, has been to identify herding sites as belonging to specialized pastoral systems or mixed herding and farming economies. In particular, surveys of contemporary nomadic sites indicate that prehistoric sites will be most likely identified through intensive survey methods. Hole states that 早期牧羊遗址的发现一直很稀少。最近，考古学家开始对伊朗和安纳托利亚的牧区进行调查（Cribb 1983；Hole 1978, 1979；Mortensen 1974, 1975, 1976；Zagarell 1983）。这些在史前或当代游牧遗址进行的调查旨在识别属于专业牧业系统或混合牧业与农业经济的牧羊遗址。特别是，对当代游牧遗址的调查表明，史前遗址最有可能通过密集的调查方法被识别。Hole 指出，
Abstract 摘要
the usual methods used in surveying villages are not sufficient to discover campsites of pastoralists. There are two reasons: pastoral sites are usually sited away from arable lands where village surveys are conducted and the sites lack the debris that results in village mounds. In practical terms, this means that surveys must be conducted over terrain that is difficult to reach, and they must be done on foot so as to discover the faint clues that may appear on the surface. (1979:200-201) 在调查村庄时使用的常规方法不足以发现牧民的营地。原因有二：牧场通常位于远离耕地的地方，而村庄调查则是在耕地上进行，且这些地点缺乏形成村庄土堆的碎片。实际上，这意味着调查必须在难以到达的地形上进行，并且必须步行进行，以便发现可能出现在地表的微弱线索。(1979:200-201)
In Anatolia, both contemporary and prehistoric campsites are considerably shallower in occupation depth, have a lower density of artifacts, and represent less agglomerated spatial structure than early sedentary villages (Cribb 1983). These ethnoarchaeological observations point to the ephemeral nature of pastoral sites and illustrate some differences between them and agricultural settlements. 在安纳托利亚，现代和史前的营地在占用深度上明显较浅，文物密度较低，空间结构的聚集程度也低于早期定居村落（Cribb 1983）。这些民族考古学观察指出了牧场遗址的短暂特性，并展示了它们与农业定居点之间的一些差异。
At the early Neolithic site of Tepe Guran, the circular annual movement of food collectors and early herders-farmers was replaced by the permanent settling of mixed herding and farming populations (Mortensen 1972). The radiating pattern of seasonal pastoral sites from the village of Tepe Guran represents the budding off of pastoral herdsmen from the permanent village in the spring when sheep and goats were taken to higher pastures. The Hulailan survey identified a number of cave sites contemporaneous with Tepe Guran, possibly indicating a summer-winter movement from the higher to lower elevations of Luristan (Mortensen 1975). This model of pastoral settlement and subsequent survey data indicate a seasonal and periodic movement between different environmental and elevational zones during the early Neolithic period. Historical and ethnographic accounts of sheep and goat husbandry in Iran (Barth 1961) support this pattern of differential use of highland and lowland areas for pasture. Of particular note, the actual distance between summer and winter pastures for contemporary nomadic populations of Deh Luran is 15 km , or one day's journey (Hole 1979). 在早期新石器时代的特佩古兰遗址，食物采集者和早期牧民-农民的循环年度活动被混合牧养和农业人口的永久定居所取代（Mortensen 1972）。特佩古兰村的季节性牧场点呈放射状分布，代表了春季牧羊人从永久村庄分离出来的过程，当时羊和山羊被带到更高的牧场。胡莱兰调查识别出一些与特佩古兰同时期的洞穴遗址，可能表明从鲁里斯坦的高海拔到低海拔的夏冬迁移（Mortensen 1975）。这一牧业定居模式及后续调查数据表明，在早期新石器时代，不同环境和海拔区域之间存在季节性和周期性的迁移。关于伊朗羊和山羊饲养的历史和民族志记载（Barth 1961）支持了高地和低地牧场差异性使用的模式。特别值得注意的是，当代德赫鲁兰的游牧人口夏季和冬季牧场之间的实际距离为 15 公里，或一天的旅程（Hole 1979）。
Perhaps short-distance rather than long-distance pastoral mobility was typical of prehistoric herding in this region of Iran. Long-distance seasonal migrations of sheep and goats could have been responses to sociopolitical and economic conditions in the Deh Luran region, while short-term migrations between summer and winter pastures were the ecologically preferred choice. Short-distance seasonal movement would have allowed pastoralists to participate in both herding and farming economies of the early Neolithic period. 或许在伊朗这个地区，史前牧羊的典型特征是短距离而非长距离的游牧。羊和山羊的长距离季节性迁徙可能是对德赫鲁兰地区社会政治和经济条件的回应，而夏季和冬季牧场之间的短期迁徙则是生态上更优选的选择。短距离的季节性移动使牧民能够参与早期新石器时代的牧羊和农业经济。
Survey results from the Bakhtiyari region describe the use of caves and small sites on steppe slopes away from open agricultural territory during the late Chalcolithic period (Zagarell 1983). These sites may be evidence of the emergence of a highland culture based on multiple resource strategies of pastoralism and simple irrigation agriculture. Ceramic evidence shows that these sites were part of an exchange network between the lowland regions of Iran and the Bakhtiyari Mountains. Zagarell describes the sites: 巴赫提亚里地区的调查结果描述了在晚期铜石器时代（Zagarell 1983）期间，洞穴和远离开放农业区域的草原坡地小遗址的使用。这些遗址可能是基于多种资源策略的高地文化出现的证据，包括牧羊和简单的灌溉农业。陶瓷证据表明，这些遗址是伊朗低地地区与巴赫提亚里山脉之间交换网络的一部分。扎加雷尔描述了这些遗址：
The sites are very small, approximately .4 ha. in size, although pottery concentrations are very high. Sites seem to have been established along hill slopes, where natural narrow ravines cut into stony outcrops. In one case, K74, this seems to have been represented in some form of construction. (1983:46) 这些遗址非常小，面积约为 0.4 公顷，尽管陶器的集中度非常高。遗址似乎建立在山坡上，自然狭窄的沟壑切入石质露头。在一个案例中，K74，这似乎以某种形式的建筑表现出来。(1983:46)
Zagarell (1983) also describes slope sites more recent than the late Chalcolithic sites. These recent sites have outlines of heavy, thick stone structures, and one has obvious sheep and goat corrals. Although the more recent slope sites are larger in dimensions, Zagarell suggests that the stone piles found at some of the Chalcolithic sites could be tent or corral outlines. Ceramic evidence coupled with regional surveys suggest the presence of exchange networks and interaction spheres linking agricultural plains with high pasture zones. Actual evidence of pastoralism, however, must be based on positive identification of pastoral architecture or other features. 扎加雷尔（1983）还描述了比晚期铜石器时代遗址更近的坡地遗址。这些较新的遗址有厚重的石结构轮廓，其中一个有明显的羊和山羊圈。尽管较新的坡地遗址在尺寸上更大，扎加雷尔认为在一些铜石器时代遗址发现的石堆可能是帐篷或圈舍的轮廓。陶瓷证据结合区域调查表明，存在将农业平原与高牧区连接的交换网络和互动领域。然而，游牧主义的实际证据必须基于对游牧建筑或其他特征的积极识别。
In another study of middle Chalcolithic pottery from the Zagros Mountains of western Iran, a wide geographic range of small quantities of black-on-red ware, a pottery type associated with specialized pastoralism, was reported (Henrickson 1983). This ware has been found at caves, open-air sites, and isolated cemeteries. The caves, located by the Hulailan survey, consist of small, oval enclosures with late Chalcolithic pottery and burned sheep or goat dung. In contrast, the open-air sites, situated in ravines above valleys, consist of stone constructions and sherd scatters (Zagarell 1983:46). Specialized pastoralism probably originated as a form of long-distance migration between winter pastures in the lowland and piedmont regions of central Mesopotamia and summer pastures in the higher elevations of the central Zagros during the middle and late Chalcolithic periods (Henrickson 1983). Although such research introduces interesting questions about the role of pastoralism in exchange networks in Iran, there is need for more complete documentation of the pastoral sites themselves. 在对伊朗西部扎格罗斯山中期铜石并用时代陶器的另一项研究中，报告了与专业牧业相关的一种黑红陶器的广泛地理分布，数量较少（Henrickson 1983）。这种陶器已在洞穴、露天遗址和孤立的墓地中发现。由 Hulailan 调查发现的洞穴由小型椭圆形围场组成，内有晚期铜石并用时代的陶器和烧过的羊或山羊粪便。相比之下，位于山谷上方沟壑中的露天遗址则由石头建筑和陶片散布组成（Zagarell 1983:46）。专业牧业可能起源于中期和晚期铜石并用时代，作为在中美索不达米亚低地和山前地区的冬季牧场与扎格罗斯中部高海拔地区的夏季牧场之间的长途迁徙形式（Henrickson 1983）。尽管这样的研究提出了关于牧业在伊朗交换网络中作用的有趣问题，但仍需要对牧业遗址本身进行更全面的记录。
Archaeological Survey in Africa 非洲考古调查
Survey methods in Africa differ considerably from Near Eastern survey methods. A greater emphasis is placed on criteria such as landscape features, environmental zones, and ecological conditions for locating pastoral sites. The cattle, 非洲的调查方法与近东的调查方法有很大不同。更强调诸如地形特征、环境区域和生态条件等标准，以确定牧场位置。牛，
sheep, and goat complex found in regions of Africa represents a continuous development from the early Neolithic period to the present day. This long and continuous development is part of the mixed economy of cereal cultivation, hunting of wild ungulates and other mammals, and the use of fishing resources found in different African regions (Bower 1978; Bower et al. 1977; Connor 1982; Gifford et al. 1980; Robbins 1973, 1980; Robertshaw and Collett 1983; Schrire 1980; Smith 1983; Wendorf and Schild 1981; Wilmsen 1980). 羊和山羊的复合体在非洲地区的发现代表了从早期新石器时代到今天的持续发展。这一漫长而持续的发展是谷物种植、猎捕野生偶蹄动物和其他哺乳动物以及利用不同非洲地区的渔业资源的混合经济的一部分（Bower 1978；Bower et al. 1977；Connor 1982；Gifford et al. 1980；Robbins 1973, 1980；Robertshaw 和 Collett 1983；Schrire 1980；Smith 1983；Wendorf 和 Schild 1981；Wilmsen 1980）。
The early Neolithic economy of the Western Desert of Egypt was based on cereal cultivation, the herding of cattle, sheep, and goats, and the hunting of small mammals (Wendorf and Schild 1981). Early Neolithic sites in the Western Desert are typical of two kinds of site locations: (1) permanent or semipermanent villages or hamlets situated on high ground above playas, and (2) small, seasonal campsites situated on playas, consisting either of slab-lined houses or shallow, basin houses or tent floors. The large sites are main settlements where food preparation and storage activities occurred, while the small, playa sites are late summer or winter camps where crops were cultivated or harvested (Wendorf and Schild (1981:270). Such variation in settlements is also indicative of cattle nomadism, in which playas were used for both crop cultivation and migratory herding of cattle, sheep, and goats. The large village or hamlet settlements on high ground may have been wet-season settlements where cattle were kept on dry land. The Sudanese village settlements of Nuer at cieng, on highground above flood waters during the wet seasons, may be an ethnographic parallel to the Western Desert settlement pattern (Evans-Pritchard 1940). 埃及西部沙漠的早期新石器时代经济基于谷物种植、牛、羊和山羊的放牧以及小型哺乳动物的狩猎（Wendorf 和 Schild 1981）。西部沙漠的早期新石器时代遗址典型地分为两种类型的地点： (1) 位于高地上的永久或半永久村庄或小聚落， (2) 位于盐滩上的小型季节性营地，包含石板房屋或浅盆形房屋或帐篷地面。大型遗址是主要的定居点，进行食物准备和储存活动，而小型盐滩遗址则是晚夏或冬季营地，进行作物的种植或收获（Wendorf 和 Schild (1981:270)。这种定居点的变化也表明了牛的游牧生活方式，盐滩既用于作物种植，也用于牛、羊和山羊的迁徙放牧。位于高地的大型村庄或小聚落可能是湿季定居点，牛在干燥的土地上饲养。 苏丹的努尔村落位于高地上，避开湿季的洪水，这可能与西部沙漠的定居模式有民族志上的相似之处（埃文斯-普里查德 1940）。
Systematic survey and test excavations of the Bir Kiseiba region of the Western Desert of Egypt have resulted in the definition of a middle to late Neolithic pastoral economy (Connor 1981, 1982). Two survey transects crosscutting the Bir Kiseiba Plateau reveal archaeological sites consisting of 20 to 100 hearths each, lithic material, and pottery and faunal remains of ostrich eggshells, gazelle, bovids, birds, and small mammals. A diffusion of cattle pastoralism throughout North Africa and the Sahara Desert has been postulated as occurring as early as 8000 в.р. (Connor 1982). Based on the age distribution and low density of bovid remains from the faunal collections at the sites, it would appear that cattle were used for milk and blood. These sites are either single-episode pastoral camps or large, multicomponent camps where soil deflation has destroyed the sedimentary context. The survey transects covered the total topographic and environmental range of plateau, and all visible surface features such as hearths, artifacts, and faunal materials were mapped and recorded. 对埃及西部沙漠的比尔基塞巴地区进行的系统调查和试掘，结果定义了中晚新石器时代的牧业经济（Connor 1981, 1982）。两条穿越比尔基塞巴高原的调查横断线揭示了考古遗址，包含每个遗址 20 到 100 个灶穴、石器材料、陶器以及鸵鸟蛋壳、羚羊、牛科动物、鸟类和小型哺乳动物的遗骸。推测在公元前 8000 年，北非和撒哈拉沙漠的牛牧业已经开始扩散（Connor 1982）。根据遗址动物遗骸的年龄分布和低密度，似乎牛主要用于获取牛奶和血液。这些遗址要么是单次使用的牧业营地，要么是大型多成分营地，土壤侵蚀已破坏了沉积环境。调查横断线覆盖了高原的全部地形和环境范围，所有可见的地表特征，如灶穴、文物和动物材料均已被绘制和记录。
A survey of East African pastoral sites in central Kenya uses an explicit environmental model for pastoral settlement (Bower et al. 1977). The survey of of central Kenya located later Stone Age hunter-gatherer sites ( в.P.), Pastoral Neolithic sites ( в.Р.), and Pastoral Iron Age sites (1400-500 в.Р.). This regional survey was conducted through (1) 对肯尼亚中部东非牧民遗址的调查使用了明确的环境模型来研究牧民定居点（Bower 等，1977 年）。该调查定位了肯尼亚中部的晚石器时代猎人-采集者遗址（公元前 ），牧民新石器时代遗址（公元前 ），以及牧民铁器时代遗址（公元前 1400-500 年）。该区域调查通过（1）进行。
systematic, stratified survey of environmental zones defined by elevation and amount of precipitation, (2) analysis of surface collections of tools and ceramics, and (3) test excavations at selected sites. The location of Pastoral Neolithic sites occurred in environmental zones between 1800 and 2100 m and within precipitation regimes between 600 mm and 1200 mm . Pastoral Iron Age sites are located throughout all environmental zones. The transitions from later Stone Age, single-component foraging camps to multicomponent, stratified Pastoral Neolithic sites have been attributed to a set of optimal environmental zones necessary for successful herding of domestic stock. The foregoing inferences, drawn from assumptions about optimal ecological requirements for stock raising and the location of sites presumed to have been used by herders, fail to provide sufficient explanation of pastoral settlement. 系统的、分层的环境区调查，依据海拔和降水量定义，(2) 工具和陶器的表面采集分析，以及 (3) 在选定地点的试掘。牧羊新石器时代遗址位于海拔 1800 至 2100 米之间的环境区，降水量在 600 毫米至 1200 毫米之间。牧羊铁器时代遗址遍布所有环境区。从晚期石器时代的单一成分觅食营地到多成分、分层的牧羊新石器时代遗址的过渡，被归因于成功饲养家畜所需的一组最佳环境区。以上推论基于对家畜饲养的最佳生态需求和假定由牧民使用的遗址位置的假设，未能充分解释牧民定居的情况。
In addition to variables of slope, elevation, and rainfall, other environmental conditions such as soils at Pastoral Neolithic sites have been described. 除了坡度、高度和降雨量等变量外，牧羊新石器时代遗址的土壤等其他环境条件也已被描述。
Abstract 摘要
One obvious environmental restriction on the location of Pastoral Neolithic sites is soil type. Black cotton and other soils with high moisture contents are not tolerated well by domestic stock during the wet season. Muddy hooves infect easily and are ideal for transmitting a variety of diseases. A cultural factor favouring seasonal re-use of specific sites is the labour required to fence bomas and house common stock. (Bower et al. 1977:142) 一个明显的环境限制是牧羊新石器时代遗址的土壤类型。黑棉土和其他高湿度的土壤在湿季不适合家畜生存。泥泞的蹄子容易感染，并且非常适合传播各种疾病。一个促进特定地点季节性重用的文化因素是围栏和安置共同家畜所需的劳动力。(Bower et al. 1977:142)
Contemporary Masai settlement patterns along the Kenya-Tanzania border of the Amboseli Game Reserve confirm this observation (Western and Dunne 1979). Pastoral Masai prefer to locate their settlements in red and light red soil rather than in areas of white and light-colored soils. The red and light red soils are found on better-drained slopes, while lighter-colored soils are found in moist and poorly drained areas. Masai elders claim that the cooler nighttime temperatures of light-colored soils diminish the milk yields of cattle. Masai site selection is also based on soil types, slope gradients, and water drainage in addition to proximity to critical pasture and water resources (Bower 1979:76). 当代马赛人在安博塞利野生动物保护区肯尼亚-坦桑尼亚边界的定居模式证实了这一观察（Western 和 Dunne 1979）。牧民马赛人更喜欢将定居点设在红色和浅红色土壤中，而不是白色和浅色土壤区域。红色和浅红色土壤位于排水较好的坡地上，而浅色土壤则位于潮湿和排水不良的地区。马赛长老声称，浅色土壤的夜间温度较低会降低牛的奶产量。马赛人的选址还基于土壤类型、坡度和水排水情况，以及与关键牧场和水资源的接近程度（Bower 1979:76）。
Basic differences in site dimensions for these three periods have been established. Later Stone Age foraging sites have a mean maximum dimension of 118 m with a range of 30 to 300 m . Pastoral Neolithic sites have a mean maximum dimension of 156 m with a range of 30 to 650 m . Iron Age pastoral sites have a mean maximum dimension of 162 m , with a range of 40 to 500 m . The upper ranges of both the Pastoral Neolithic and Pastoral Iron Age sites are attributed to large populations residing in village settlements on a seasonal or semipermanent basis (Bower 1978). 这三个时期的场地尺寸基本差异已被确定。晚石器时代的觅食场所的平均最大尺寸为 118 米，范围为 30 到 300 米。牧羊新石器时代的场所平均最大尺寸为 156 米，范围为 30 到 650 米。铁器时代的牧羊场所平均最大尺寸为 162 米，范围为 40 到 500 米。牧羊新石器时代和牧羊铁器时代场所的上限范围归因于大规模人口在季节性或半永久性基础上居住在村落定居点中（Bower 1978）。
The Pastoral Neolithic sites were occupied by populations dependent upon domestic stock of cattle, sheep, and goats (Bower and Nelson 1978:562). At these sites, early pottery and stone tool industries are similar to edged-tool technologies of the later Stone Age. The Pastoral Neolithic period was an out- 牧羊新石器时代的遗址被依赖于家畜（如牛、羊和山羊）的人群所占据（Bower 和 Nelson 1978:562）。在这些遗址中，早期的陶器和石器工业与后期石器时代的锋利工具技术相似。牧羊新石器时代是一个...
growth of previous lacustrine adaptations of hunting, fishing, and gathering. Early development of pastoralism was part of a fishing and foraging economy (Bower and Nelson 1978). The Pastoral Iron Age was a continuation of a pastoral economy with the use of ceramics, the simplification of stone technologies, and the use of iron. The central Kenya survey also demonstrates the value of stratifying ecological zones as a method for locating pastoral sites. The range of dimensions of East African pastoral sites is essential for designing other transect or stratified surveys (Johnson 1983). The clear definition of a Pastoral Neolithic period in East Africa is still tentative. 早期湖泊适应的狩猎、捕鱼和采集的增长。早期的牧业发展是捕鱼和觅食经济的一部分（Bower 和 Nelson 1978）。牧业铁器时代是牧业经济的延续，使用陶器、简化石器技术和铁的使用。中肯尼亚的调查还展示了将生态区分层作为定位牧业遗址的一种方法的价值。东非牧业遗址的尺寸范围对于设计其他横断面或分层调查至关重要（Johnson 1983）。东非牧业新石器时代的明确定义仍然是暂定的。
EXCAVATIONS OF PASTORAL SITES 牧场遗址的挖掘
Archaeologists have excavated very few pastoral sites. Specialized pastoral sites such as nomadic encampments, kraals, and animal enclosures may have minimal artifactual remains. At sites where multi-resource pastoralism occurred, material evidence for animal herding is only part of the site inventory. Because of the tendency to focus on bone materials, archaeologists may have failed to identify pastoral elements at early Neolithic sites and at sites of later periods. At the site of Tepe Tula'i in western Iran and the site of Prolonged Drift in Kenya, architecture, faunal materials, and artifacts provide some comparative data for site analysis of prehistoric pastoralism. 考古学家挖掘的牧业遗址非常少。专门的牧业遗址，如游牧营地、围栏和动物圈，可能只有很少的文物遗存。在多资源牧业发生的遗址中，动物放牧的物质证据只是遗址清单的一部分。由于倾向于关注骨骼材料，考古学家可能未能在早期新石器时代遗址和后期遗址中识别出牧业元素。在伊朗西部的特佩图拉伊遗址和肯尼亚的延续漂流遗址，建筑、动物材料和文物为史前牧业的遗址分析提供了一些比较数据。
The site of Tepe Tula'i in the Khuzistan region of western Iran, situated about 100 m north of a prehistoric mound, has been identified as a nomadic pastoral camp (Hole 1974:219). From the surface remains of stone alignments and ashy areas, outlines of tents were discovered during excavations. One of the largest of these stone outlines measured 4 m across the back and 2.5 m along one edge. In the vicinity of the tent sites, ceramic assemblages, mortars, pestles, choppers, abraders, discs, and chipped-stone artifacts were located. The ceramic assemblages correspond to the Deh Luran sequence of about 6000 в.c. Faunal remains of goat, sheep; gazelle, pig, onager, canid, and other mammals were also recovered. Informants described the tent outlines as similar to those of contemporary nomadic tents, where pole and reed shelters surround stone alignments of a platform upon which bedding is placed inside the tent. Hole (1974) claims that the large number of caprine remains and the tent outlines support the interpretation of Tepe Tula'i as a nomadic pastoral site. Subsequently, the faunal analysis of caprine remains, comprising of the total faunal assemblage, showed a kill-off pattern of older herd members (Wheeler Pires-Ferreira 19751977). Gilbert (1983) has argued that this kill-off pattern is more typical of a village herding system in which animals are herded on fallow fields. Whether Tepe Tula'i is typical of a village herding system or of specialized nomadism, it undoubtedly is a pastoral site. The location of Tepe Tula'i near a prehistoric 位于伊朗西部胡齐斯坦地区的特佩图拉伊遗址，位于一个史前土堆以北约 100 米处，已被确定为一个游牧牧场营地（Hole 1974:219）。在挖掘过程中，从石头排列和灰烬区域的表面遗迹中发现了帐篷的轮廓。其中一个最大的石头轮廓在后面测量为 4 米，沿一边测量为 2.5 米。在帐篷遗址附近，发现了陶器组合、研钵、杵、切割器、磨石、圆盘和打磨石器。陶器组合对应于约公元前 6000 年的德赫鲁兰序列。还回收到了山羊、绵羊、瞪羚、猪、野驴、犬科动物和其他哺乳动物的动物遗骸。信息提供者描述这些帐篷轮廓与当代游牧帐篷相似，帐篷周围的杆和芦苇庇护所环绕着一个石头平台的排列，床铺放置在帐篷内。Hole（1974）声称，大量的山羊遗骸和帐篷轮廓支持将特佩图拉伊解释为一个游牧牧场遗址。 随后，对山羊遗骸的动物分析显示，山羊遗骸占总动物组合的 ，显示出老年群体成员的屠杀模式（Wheeler Pires-Ferreira 19751977）。Gilbert（1983）认为，这种屠杀模式更典型于一种在休耕地上放牧的村庄放牧系统。无论 Tepe Tula'i 是典型的村庄放牧系统还是专业游牧，毫无疑问它是一个牧场遗址。特佩图拉伊的位置靠近一个史前遗址
mound and its chronological placement in the Neolithic period of the Deh Luran point to the greater probability that it is a specialized production site for animal herding found outside the main village settlement rather than a nomadic camp. The mixed economy of the Neolithic period in the Near East might have allowed groups of herders to keep their animals away from village settlements at tent sites during different seasons. 土堆及其在德赫卢兰时期的新石器时代的时间定位更可能是一个专门的动物放牧生产地点，位于主要村落定居点之外，而不是一个游牧营地。近东新石器时代的混合经济可能使得一群牧民能够在不同季节将他们的动物远离村落定居点，安置在帐篷营地。
Prolonged Drift, situated in the Nderit River valley of Kenya, consists of a dense concentration of faunal materials ( 165,000 bone fragments), lithic artifacts , and ceramics (Gifford et al. 1980). The excavated features are part of an elongated, crescentic refuse dump from the Pastoral Neolithic period. Assemblages of pottery, stone bowls, ground-stone artifacts, and microlithic industries are typical of the later Stone Age material found at other Pastoral Neolithic sites (Bower and Nelson 1978). Prolonged Drift, dating between 3290 and 1225 B.P., has 3705 identifiable bones of both wild and domesticated ungulates and other mammal species. From the largest to the smallest MNI, the species found at the site include cattle, kongoni, wildebeest, zebra, Grant's gazelle, gazelle, impala, caprines, eland, buffalo, warthog, white rhinoceros, and giraffe. Of the ungulate species, fall into the live-weight range. These data suggest that either the hunting or herding of larger-sized ungulates occurred at Prolonged Drift. 延续漂流，位于肯尼亚的恩德里特河谷，包含大量动物材料（165,000 块骨头碎片）、石器和陶器（Gifford 等，1980 年）。挖掘出的特征是来自牧羊新石器时代的一个细长的弯月形垃圾堆。陶器、石碗、磨制石器和微石器工业的组合是其他牧羊新石器时代遗址中发现的晚期石器时代材料的典型特征（Bower 和 Nelson，1978 年）。延续漂流的年代在公元前 3290 年至 1225 年之间，发现了 3705 块可识别的野生和驯化的偶蹄动物及其他哺乳动物的骨骼。从最大到最小的最小数量单位（MNI），该遗址发现的物种包括牛、孔戈尼、角马、斑马、格兰特瞪羚、瞪羚、黑斑羚、山羊、伊兰、野牛、疣猪、白犀牛和长颈鹿。在偶蹄动物物种中，某些物种的活重范围落在特定区间内。这些数据表明，在延续漂流地区可能发生了对大型偶蹄动物的狩猎或放牧。
Gifford tests the "schlepp effect," in which only lighter, more nutritious and potentially useful animal parts are found at base camps (Perkins and Daly 1968). By comparing potentially "schlepped" versus "non-schlepped" bone elements for each species, Gifford concludes that the wild taxa constitute a transported assemblage, while cattle and other domesticated species such as caprines were not transported to Prolonged Drift. This inference further supports artifactual evidence for pastoral use of the site. Microliths, scrapers, ground-stone vessels, pottery, and beads are abundant at the middens of Prolonged Drift. However, no structural remains or hearths have been identified. Because of greater numbers of wild ungulates than of domesticated species at the site, Prolonged Drift is only tentatively identified as a pastoral site (Gifford et al. 1980). Possible explanations for subsistence strategies used at Prolonged Drift are (1) hunting-gatheringtrading, (2) hunting-cultivating-trading, (3) hunting-herding, and (4) huntingherding-cultivating (Gifford et al. 1980:91). 吉福德测试了“拖拽效应”，即在基地营地只发现较轻、更有营养和潜在有用的动物部位（Perkins 和 Daly 1968）。通过比较每个物种的潜在“拖拽”与“非拖拽”骨骼元素，吉福德得出结论，野生物种构成了一个运输的组合，而牛和其他驯化物种如山羊则没有被运输到延续漂流地。这一推论进一步支持了该地点的牧业使用的人工证据。微石器、刮削器、磨石器皿、陶器和珠子在延续漂流地的垃圾堆中非常丰富。然而，没有发现结构遗迹或火炉。由于该地点野生偶蹄动物的数量大于驯化物种，延续漂流地仅被暂时认定为一个牧业地点（吉福德等，1980）。在延续漂流地使用的生计策略的可能解释有（1）狩猎-采集-交易，（2）狩猎-耕作-交易，（3）狩猎-放牧，以及（4）狩猎-放牧-耕作（吉福德等，1980:91）。
Regional interpretations of early animal husbandry in east and south African prehistory may benefit from a model of predatory-pastoral adaptations (Wilmsen 1980; Schrire 1980; Smith 1983). African pastoralism would have been an economic form that articulated with both foraging and cultivation strategies during various evolutionary transitions. Questions that archaeologists should test are (1) How did human populations regulate the scheduling of wild animal predation with the slaughter of domesticated herd animals? (2) How were mobility strategies for stalking and killing wild game and the periodic movement of domesti- 东非和南非史前早期动物饲养的区域性解读可能受益于掠食-牧民适应模型（Wilmsen 1980；Schrire 1980；Smith 1983）。非洲的牧业经济形式与觅食和耕作策略在各种进化转型中相互关联。考古学家应测试的问题是：（1）人类群体如何调节野生动物捕猎与屠宰驯化 herd 动物的时间安排？（2）追踪和捕杀野生猎物的流动策略以及驯化动物的定期移动是如何进行的？
cated animals coordinated by forager-hunters? (3) What sociopolitical, economic, or environmental factors contributed to the final shift to food production strategies in Africa? 由觅食猎人协调的驯化动物？（3）哪些社会政治、经济或环境因素促成了非洲最终转向食品生产策略的变化？
EXPERIMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN PASTORAL STUDIES 实验考古学在牧业研究中的应用
Actualistic, or experimental, archaeology and ethnoarchaeology in pastoral contexts is also in its incipient stage of development. The purpose of experimental archaeology is to develop and test hypotheses through the control and observation of known variables within the context of an experiment (Coles 1973). Natural depositional processes, such as alluviation or erosion, have been studied at Dassanetch pastoral sites through a set of ethnoarchaeological and experimental methods (Gifford 1978; Gifford and Behrensmeyer 1977). Here, the experimental context was used to test hypotheses about natural depositional processes and their influence on the visibility of pastoral remains. Experimentation allows for the testing of archaeological assumptions about pastoral sites, their deposition, material contents, and zooarchaeological materials. 实际主义或实验考古学以及在牧业背景下的民族考古学也处于发展的初始阶段。实验考古学的目的是通过控制和观察已知变量在实验背景下来发展和测试假设（Coles 1973）。自然沉积过程，如淤积或侵蚀，已通过一系列民族考古学和实验方法在达萨内奇牧业遗址进行研究（Gifford 1978；Gifford 和 Behrensmeyer 1977）。在这里，实验背景用于测试关于自然沉积过程及其对牧业遗存可见性影响的假设。实验使得可以测试关于牧业遗址、其沉积、材料内容和动物考古材料的考古假设。
At the Dassanetch campsite in East Africa, Gifford and Behrensmeyer (1977) mapped all the faunal materials left at a hunting and fishing camp of contemporary pastoral Dassanetch. Then they documented the postdepositional history of the faunal material at the site after four flooding events which took place at the abandoned camp. The camp consisted of terrapin (Pelusios adansoni), crocodile, catfish, perch, zebra, and other animal remains consumed by the Dassanetch. The scatter had thick deposits around the hearth. After the recorded floods, Gifford and Behrensmeyer's taphonomic studies demonstrated that (1) larger bones were found on the surface and small-sized bones in the substratum, and that (2) site trampling affected the subsurface migration of bone materials and the definite size requirements of bone materials found in the subsurface trampling zone. Dassanetch pastoralist-cultivators preferred to select more permanent and long-term occupation sites away from lakes or rivers where there was a high frequency of floods. Also, depositional processes at these pastoral sites suggest a very low archaeological visibility. 在东非的达萨内奇营地，吉福德和贝伦斯迈耶（1977）绘制了当代牧民达萨内奇的一个狩猎和捕鱼营地留下的所有动物材料的分布图。然后，他们记录了在这个废弃营地经历的四次洪水事件后，动物材料的后沉积历史。营地中包含了达萨内奇消费的龟（Pelusios adansoni）、鳄鱼、鲶鱼、鲈鱼、斑马和其他动物遗骸。 散布在火炉周围有厚厚的沉积物。在记录的洪水之后，吉福德和贝伦斯迈耶的化石学研究表明：（1）较大的骨头在表面发现，而小型骨头则在底层发现；（2）场地践踏影响了骨材料的地下迁移以及在地下践踏区发现的骨材料的确切尺寸要求。达萨内奇的牧民-农耕者更倾向于选择远离湖泊或河流的更永久和长期的居住地点，因为那里洪水频率较高。此外，这些牧场地点的沉积过程表明考古可见性非常低。
At Dassanetch stock camps, which consist of 10 to 80 houses and stock pens, Gifford (1978) noted manure-stained pens of both occupied and abandoned settlements on aerial photographs. Stock pens consisted of large piles of manure burned each day by women, and inner pens were full of household debris and ash. The majority of faunal debris consisted of caprine bones, because cattle were slaughtered away from the stock camps. Such evidence indicates that pastoral sites may consist only of minimal material remains, the presence of manure soil stains, and features such as pens and hearths. 在达萨内奇的牧场营地，这些营地由 10 到 80 座房屋和牲畜圈组成，吉福德（1978）在航拍照片中注意到无论是有人居住还是废弃的定居点都有粪便染色的圈舍。牲畜圈由每天由女性焚烧的大量粪便堆成，内部圈舍则充满了家庭垃圾和灰烬。大多数动物残骸是山羊骨，因为牛是在牧场外屠宰的。这些证据表明，牧场遗址可能仅由最少的物质遗存、粪便土壤污迹以及如圈舍和灶台等特征组成。
Ammerman et al. (1978) have also simulated the excavation of a contemporary pastoral site with the goal of evaluating different sampling strategies. Although the conclusions of this effort have implications beyond the context of pastoral sites, they do provide a basis for evaluating the degree to which faunal samples are representative, as well as for the development of excavation strategies on such sites. Archaeologists have also used simulation models of modern herd structures as a baseline for reconstructing prehistoric herd structure (Cribb 1984, 1985; Redding 1981). Ammerman 等人（1978）还模拟了一个当代牧场遗址的挖掘，目的是评估不同的采样策略。尽管这一工作的结论超出了牧场遗址的背景，但它们确实为评估动物样本的代表性程度以及在此类遗址上开发挖掘策略提供了基础。考古学家还使用现代群体结构的模拟模型作为重建史前群体结构的基线（Cribb 1984, 1985；Redding 1981）。
Using ethnographic examples of Near Eastern pastoralism, Redding (1981) simulated patterns of herd demography (age, sex, and population estimates) based on culling and off-take patterns of modern animal husbandry systems. Optimal herd sizes of different species and compositions of contemporary herds (Dahl and Hjort 1976) provided a baseline for determining management strategies, product off take, and the labor requirements for animal herds. Cribb (1984, 1985) developed simulation models of herd structure and compared them with mortality profiles at Iron Age, Roman, and Saxon faunal assemblages. He modeled the change over time from wool production at Iron Age sites, to meat production at Roman sites, and finally, to increasing meat production at the expense of milk production at Saxon sites. 利用近东游牧主义的民族志例子，雷丁（1981）基于现代畜牧系统的淘汰和收获模式模拟了群体人口统计（年龄、性别和人口估计）的模式。不同物种的最佳群体规模和当代群体的组成（达尔和霍特 1976）为确定管理策略、产品收获和动物群体的劳动需求提供了基准。克里布（1984，1985）开发了群体结构的模拟模型，并将其与铁器时代、罗马和撒克逊动物组合的死亡率特征进行了比较。他模拟了从铁器时代遗址的羊毛生产，到罗马遗址的肉类生产，最后到撒克逊遗址在牺牲牛奶生产的情况下增加肉类生产的变化。
Experimental archaeology provides avenues for examining pastoral technology. The corralling and sheltering requirements of different herd species impose constraints on the design of architecture used for confining animals. Experiments can be designed to test the height and thickness of walls and other structural features enclosing specific species of herd animals. 实验考古学为研究牧业技术提供了途径。不同牲畜物种的围栏和庇护需求对用于限制动物的建筑设计施加了约束。可以设计实验来测试围绕特定牲畜物种的墙壁高度、厚度和其他结构特征。
ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO PASTORALISM 民族考古学对牧羊业的研究方法
Ethnoarchaeological studies of contemporary pastoralism have made substantial contributions to our knowledge of such systems (Aurenche 1984; Cribb 1982; David 1971, 1972; Gifford 1978; Hodder 1982; Hofman 1982; Hole 1978, 1979; 当代游牧主义的民族考古学研究对我们对这些系统的知识做出了重要贡献（Aurenche 1984；Cribb 1982；David 1971, 1972；Gifford 1978；Hodder 1982；Hofman 1982；Hole 1978, 1979；
James and Lindsay 1973; Kelley 1982a, 1982b; Kent 1983, 1984; Murray and Chang 1981; Robbins 1973). Most of these studies have attempted to establish relationships between mobile herding economies and contemporary pastoral material. Some of this research examines relationships between the environmental and ecological constraints of pastoral systems and the location of pastoral sites (Chang 1981, 1984; Kelley 1982a, 1982b; Russell and Dean 1985). Other modern material-culture studies consider patterns of use, manufacture, and discard of artifacts by herders (Cribb 1983; Hofman 1982; Murray and Chang 1981; Robbins 1973). The spatial organization of artifacts, site contents, and activity areas at Navajo sites has been used to explicate the cognitive patterns underlying Navajo spatial use (Kent 1983, 1984). Ethnic interaction and symbolic systems among East African pastoralists have been investigated through a study of modern material culture (Hodder 1982). 詹姆斯和林赛 1973；凯利 1982a, 1982b；肯特 1983, 1984；穆雷和张 1981；罗宾斯 1973）。这些研究大多试图建立移动牧羊经济与当代牧业物质之间的关系。其中一些研究考察了牧业系统的环境和生态限制与牧场位置之间的关系（张 1981, 1984；凯利 1982a, 1982b；拉塞尔和迪恩 1985）。其他现代物质文化研究则考虑了牧民对文物的使用、制造和丢弃模式（克里布 1983；霍夫曼 1982；穆雷和张 1981；罗宾斯 1973）。纳瓦霍遗址的文物、遗址内容和活动区域的空间组织被用来阐明纳瓦霍空间使用背后的认知模式（肯特 1983, 1984）。通过对现代物质文化的研究，东非牧民之间的民族互动和符号系统得到了调查（霍德 1982）。
David's (1971) ethnoarchaeology of Fulani compounds exemplifies how spatial patterning reflects social organization. His study of West African Fulani pottery and compounds is one of the earliest examples of ethnoarchaeological research among pastoralists. In the classic monograph on nomadic pastoral Fulani, Stenning (1958, 1959) discussed relationships between the spatial organization of compounds and Fulani social organization. The layout of houses, hearths, wives' quarters, sleeping areas, and animal corrals indicated the location of household or work groups and spatial units such as the compound. The relationship between dimensions of residential units and their spatial configuration is also a means of inferring division of labor among cattle herders (David 1971). 大卫（1971）对富拉尼居住区的民族考古学研究 exemplifies 空间模式如何反映社会组织。他对西非富拉尼陶器和居住区的研究是游牧民族中最早的民族考古学研究之一。在关于游牧富拉尼的经典专著中，斯滕宁（1958，1959）讨论了居住区的空间组织与富拉尼社会组织之间的关系。房屋、灶台、妻子居住区、睡眠区域和动物圈的布局指示了家庭或工作组的位置以及像居住区这样的空间单元。居住单元的尺寸与其空间配置之间的关系也是推断牛牧民之间劳动分工的一种方式（大卫 1971）。
As noted earlier, Robbins' (1973) ethnoarchaeological analysis of abandoned Turkana homesteads in East Africa is not optimistic about the number of artifacts left at pastoral sites after abandonment. These artifact assemblages were analyzed with reference to the location of work and activity areas. The total assemblage was divided into categories of "perishable" and "nonperishable" items. Of the total inventory, were perishable items made of skin, wood, muscle, and plant fibers. The total artifact and material-culture inventory found at the occupied Turkana homestead was compared with types and quantities of artifacts found at abandoned homesteads. At the abandoned homesteads, very few artifacts were found in primary work or activity areas, less than of the portable vessels noted at functioning homesteads were present, and no tools or functional weapons were found. 正如前面提到的，Robbins（1973）对东非土卡纳地区废弃家园的民族考古学分析对废弃后牧区遗址留下的文物数量并不乐观。这些文物组合是根据工作和活动区域的位置进行分析的。总的文物组合被分为“易腐烂”和“非易腐烂”两类。在总清单中， 是由皮肤、木材、肌肉和植物纤维制成的易腐烂物品。占用的土卡纳家园中发现的总文物和物质文化清单与废弃家园中发现的文物类型和数量进行了比较。在废弃的家园中，主要工作或活动区域几乎没有发现文物，功能性家园中记录的可携带容器中不到 的数量存在，且没有发现工具或功能性武器。
Turkana abandonment behavior reflects curation of useful artifacts. 图尔卡纳的放弃行为反映了对有用工艺品的精心管理。
The ethnic interaction of nomadic Samburu and hunter-gatherer Dorobo in East Africa is apparent from the exchange and adoption of stylistic traditions between these two ethnic groups (Hodder 1982). The Dorobo were foragers who adopted agriculture and sheep and goat husbandry as their interaction with cultivators and pastoralists increased. The Samburu have always been nomadic pastoralists dependent upon cattle, sheep, and goats. Personal adornment items, such as necklaces, leather ear ornaments, and ivory and plastic rods inserted in women's upper ears, have historically symbolized the differences between Samburu and Dorobo. In recent periods, the symbolic boundaries between two ethnic groups as apparent from personal adornment and dress have been submerged for some items and maintained in others. The issue of ethnicity among pastoral and nonpastoral groups is important for several reasons. Ethnicity is one form of maintaining boundaries between pastoral and nonpastoral groups (Barth 1956). Symbolic systems as apparent from dress or ornamentation provide a mechanism for the maintenance of ethnic group boundaries. Also, the cognitive and symbolic systems present in pastoral societies may be manifested through the structural organization of pastoral compounds. 东非游牧的桑布鲁人与采集者多罗博之间的民族互动通过这两个民族之间风格传统的交流与采纳显而易见（霍德 1982）。多罗博是以觅食为生的群体，随着与农耕者和牧民的互动增加，他们开始采纳农业以及羊和山羊的饲养。桑布鲁人一直是依赖牛、羊和山羊的游牧牧民。个人装饰品，如项链、皮革耳饰，以及插入女性上耳的象牙和塑料棒，历史上象征着桑布鲁人与多罗博之间的差异。在最近的时期，两个民族之间的象征性界限在某些物品上被淹没，而在其他物品上则得以维持。牧民与非牧民群体之间的民族问题因多种原因而重要。民族性是一种维持牧民与非牧民群体之间界限的方式（巴斯 1956）。从服装或装饰品中显现出的象征系统为维持民族群体界限提供了一种机制。 此外，牧民社会中存在的认知和象征系统可能通过牧场的结构组织表现出来。
African ethnoarchaeology provides some useful analogues for the analysis of prehistoric pastoralism. For example, Turkana abandonment behaviors indicate that the curation and reuse of artifacts may be similar to behavioral patterns observed for modern foragers (e.g., Binford 1978). Therefore, as at foraging sites, archaeologists may expect to find a paucity of material remains at pastoral sites. Both foragers and pastoralists remove the majority of still-usable artifacts from a site upon abandonment. Gifford et al. (1980) noted the presence of heavy stone bowls and ground-stone pieces left at the base camp at Prolonged Drift. Obviously, at some kinds of sites, heavier items were left at the camp during periods of seasonal or periodic abandonment. In-depth ethnoarchaeological studies of abandonment behaviors and postoccupational inventories of material culture at modern pastoral sites could immensely aid in the archaeological interpretation of pastoral sites. Ethnoarchaeological studies of African pastoralism should be more rigorously linked to ongoing studies of prehistoric pastoralism in this area of the world. Some efforts in this direction are planned for the archaeological and ethnoarchaeological study of pastoralism and hunter-gatherers in Botswana (E. H. Wilmsen, personal communication, 1983). 非洲民族考古学为分析史前牧业提供了一些有用的类比。例如，图尔卡纳的遗弃行为表明，文物的保留和再利用可能与现代觅食者观察到的行为模式相似（例如，Binford 1978）。因此，正如在觅食地点，考古学家可能会在牧业遗址中发现物质遗存的稀缺。觅食者和牧民在遗弃地点时都会移走大部分仍可使用的文物。吉福德等（1980）注意到在长时间漂流的基地营地留下了重石碗和磨石块。显然，在某些类型的遗址中，较重的物品在季节性或周期性遗弃期间被留在营地。对现代牧业遗址的遗弃行为和后占用物质文化的深入民族考古学研究可以极大地帮助对牧业遗址的考古解释。对非洲牧业的民族考古学研究应更严格地与该地区史前牧业的持续研究相联系。 在这方面的一些努力计划用于对博茨瓦纳的牧民和狩猎采集者进行考古和民族考古学研究（E. H. Wilmsen，个人通讯，1983 年）。
Much recent ethnoarchaeology has been conducted on historic Navajo sites from the American Southwest (Blomberg 1981; James and Lindsay 1973; Kelley 1980, 1982a, 1982b; Kent 1983; Russell and Dean 1985; York 1980). This research often relies upon ethnographic informants for the interpretation of material remains of corrals, hogans, ash-dumping areas, storage, and other features. Dendrochronology has been used to date abandoned hogans, corrals, and samples from historic pastoral sites (Russell and Dean 1985). Artifact inventories 最近的许多民族考古学研究集中在美国西南部的历史纳瓦霍遗址上（Blomberg 1981；James 和 Lindsay 1973；Kelley 1980, 1982a, 1982b；Kent 1983；Russell 和 Dean 1985；York 1980）。这些研究通常依赖于民族志信息提供者来解释围栏、霍根房、灰烬倾倒区、储存和其他特征的物质遗存。树轮年代学已被用于对废弃的霍根房、围栏和历史牧场遗址的样本进行定年（Russell 和 Dean 1985）。文物清单
for many historic and contemporary Navajo sites have been documented. The spatial organization of activity areas, structures, features, and refuse disposal areas at Navajo camps serves as evidence for cognitive and symbolic systems inherent in Navajo culture (Kent 1983, 1984). Kent contrasts the spatial rules at Navajo sites with Anglo-American and Mexican-American households. Kelley (1982a), on the other hand, relates spatial arrangements and areal dimensions of hogans, corrals, and dumps to the social organization and pastoral economy of historic and contemporary Navajo herders. 许多历史和当代纳瓦霍遗址已被记录。纳瓦霍营地的活动区域、结构、特征和垃圾处理区域的空间组织为纳瓦霍文化中固有的认知和象征系统提供了证据（Kent 1983, 1984）。Kent 将纳瓦霍遗址的空间规则与盎格鲁-美国和墨西哥-美国家庭进行了对比。另一方面，Kelley（1982a）将霍根、围栏和垃圾场的空间安排和面积维度与历史和当代纳瓦霍牧民的社会组织和牧业经济联系起来。
Kelley's research (1982a) is important for reconstructing the environmental parameters of Navajo pastoralism. She found relationships between site and feature dimensions and herd and human populations. Ecological models of prehistoric animal husbandry which rely upon estimates of herd and human demography must rely upon some kinds of population estimates derived from pastoral sites. This is not to say that deriving population estimates from household or site dimensions is without inherent difficulties (Wiessner 1974). Pastoral settlement systems must be seen as part of the seasonal and periodic movement of herders. Navajo corrals have architectural and structural features indicative of the season of their use (Kelley 1982a; Russell and Dean 1985). Late winter and early spring corrals were identified by the presence of attached or unattached lamb pens. Kids and lambs born during these months were separated from other flock members until they were old enough to follow the flock. Winter corrals had hearths inside or just outside the corral for warming and protecting livestock against the cold. Summer corrals had ramadas, or natural shade areas, for animals. 凯利的研究（1982a）对于重建纳瓦霍牧羊的环境参数非常重要。她发现了地点和特征尺寸与羊群和人类人口之间的关系。依赖于羊群和人类人口估计的史前动物饲养生态模型必须依赖于从牧场地点得出的某种人口估计。这并不是说从家庭或地点尺寸推导人口估计没有固有的困难（威斯纳 1974）。牧羊定居系统必须被视为牧民季节性和周期性移动的一部分。纳瓦霍的围栏具有表明其使用季节的建筑和结构特征（凯利 1982a；拉塞尔和迪恩 1985）。晚冬和早春的围栏通过附加或未附加的小羊圈来识别。在这些月份出生的小羊和小山羊会与其他羊群成员分开，直到它们足够大可以跟随羊群。冬季围栏内部或围栏外部有火炉，用于加热和保护牲畜免受寒冷。夏季围栏有遮阳棚或自然阴凉区供动物使用。
Ethnoarchaeological research on contemporary pastoral sites in Greece also follows an ecological model of animal husbandry (Chang 1981, 1984; Murray and Chang 1981). In a contemporary peasant village, special-use animal folds were situated on the periphery of the human settlement. These animal folds, or shelters, housed sheep or goats during fall, winter, and spring months. Architectural, structural, and locational variables at each of the animal folds were tested as potential indicators of herd size, seasonal use of the site, and kinds of animals (sheep or goats) kept at the animal fold. In contrast to Kelley's (1982a) study of Navajo corrals, herd numbers were not directly related to areas or dimensions of pens or animal folds. The minimum size requirements for sheep or goat folds followed dimensions of for each adult animal. Differences in architectural and locational variables were most apparent in the differences between the sheep and goat systems. The sheep system, articulating most directly with cereal cultivation, reflected an intensifying agro-pastoral system in which sheep grazed off agricultural stubble and fallow and, in turn, manured fields. The goat system was part of a market meat and milk production economy in which wild grazing land and cultivated fallow supported herds of 150 to 250 head. The intent of this study was to establish some of the environmental and economic parameters for contemporary pastoralism that could be tested in a prehistoric context. 关于希腊当代牧区的民族考古学研究也遵循了一种生态动物饲养模型（Chang 1981, 1984; Murray and Chang 1981）。在一个当代农民村庄中，特殊用途的动物圈位于人类定居点的边缘。这些动物圈或庇护所在秋冬春季节为羊或山羊提供栖息地。每个动物圈的建筑、结构和位置变量被测试作为潜在的羊群规模、季节性使用和动物种类（羊或山羊）的指标。与 Kelley（1982a）对纳瓦霍牛圈的研究相比，羊群数量与圈舍或动物圈的面积或尺寸并没有直接关系。羊或山羊圈的最小尺寸要求为每只成年动物 。在羊和山羊系统之间，建筑和位置变量的差异最为明显。羊系统与谷物种植的直接联系反映了一种日益强化的农业牧业系统，在该系统中，羊在农业秸秆和休耕地上放牧，并反过来为田地施肥。 山羊系统是市场肉类和牛奶生产经济的一部分，在这种经济中，野生放牧地和耕作休耕地支持着 150 到 250 头的羊群。本研究的目的是建立一些当代游牧经济的环境和经济参数，这些参数可以在史前背景中进行测试。
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 结论与建议
Before offering recommendations, we feel it necessary to comment briefly on some theoretical biases that have influenced our discussion. First, we are unabashedly working within a broadly ecological approach. In view of the recent swing of the theoretical pendulum toward a concern with symbolic behavior and models (Hodder 1982), such an approach may appear somewhat outmoded, and although unreconstructed, we recognize the regular need for such corrective oscillations. Still, an ecological approach has much to commend it, as it does offer a unified theoretical base allowing comparable questions to be addressed by geographers, biologists, historians, ethnographers, archaeologists, and physical anthropologists, each working within their individual data constraints. It remains one of the few major theoretical interfaces within anthropology-and for good reason. By focusing on questions involving human relations with the material world, it retains an obvious appeal for archaeologists who ultimately must find their version of the truth in the physical record. It also tends toward the development of models which can easily incorporate long-term processes, and this too has obvious application to archaeology. This is not to deny the importance of cognitive aspects of human behavior. Indeed, they must be a crucial part of any truly ecological approach to human behavior, as has long been recognized by those who have transcended more mechanical approaches to human adaptation. 在提出建议之前，我们认为有必要简要评论一些影响我们讨论的理论偏见。首先，我们毫不掩饰地在一个广泛的生态学方法框架内工作。考虑到最近理论的摆动倾向于关注符号行为和模型（霍德 1982），这种方法可能显得有些过时，尽管我们并未改变立场，但我们认识到这种修正性摆动的常规需求。尽管如此，生态学方法有其值得称道之处，因为它提供了一个统一的理论基础，使地理学家、生物学家、历史学家、人类学家、考古学家和生物人类学家能够在各自的数据限制内提出可比的问题。这仍然是人类学中为数不多的主要理论接口之一，原因显而易见。通过关注人类与物质世界的关系问题，它对考古学家具有明显的吸引力，因为他们最终必须在物理记录中找到自己版本的真相。 它还倾向于发展能够轻松融入长期过程的模型，这对考古学也有明显的应用。这并不是否认人类行为的认知方面的重要性。事实上，它们必须是任何真正生态的人类行为方法中至关重要的一部分，正如那些超越更机械的人类适应方法的人们早已认识到的那样。
Humans and their animals have had a particularly dynamic relationship with their physical environment during the Holocene (Forbes and Koster 1976; Nyerges 1982), and as Dennell (1982:44-45) has argued, archaeologists are uniquely placed to provide insights into these processes. Dennell demonstrates that such questions have real implications for the explication of inadequately understood processes (e.g., desertification) that are not susceptible simply to the short-term analysis of ethnographers, the limited documentation of historians, or the analyses of paleobotanists and geomorphologists, all of which often have difficulty in interpreting the effects of human activities. These are sufficiently important questions to have generated a large literature, special national and international agencies, research funds, and employment for a growing contingent of anthropologists interested in pastoralism. 人类及其动物在全新世期间与其物理环境之间的关系特别动态（Forbes 和 Koster 1976；Nyerges 1982），正如 Dennell（1982:44-45）所论证的，考古学家在提供对这些过程的洞察方面具有独特的优势。Dennell 表明，这些问题对解释一些理解不足的过程（例如，沙漠化）具有实际意义，这些过程并不容易仅通过民族志学者的短期分析、历史学家的有限文献或古植物学家和地貌学家的分析来理解，这些分析往往难以解释人类活动的影响。这些问题的重要性足以产生大量文献、特别的国家和国际机构、研究资金，以及为越来越多对游牧主义感兴趣的人类学家提供就业机会。
With an avowed interest in focusing on the dynamic relationships between humans, their herd animals, and their environment, it might appear odd that we have suggested that at this stage archaeologists should focus their efforts on the location and analysis of a particular kind of site, that is, the animal enclosure. Much valid criticism has been leveled at the site-oriented approach in recent years in favor of broader surface survey, or what Dunnell and Dancey (1983) have termed the "siteless survey." We are in sympathy with such methods, and they should have particular utility in furnishing more useful data for locational and environmental analysis. We should be looking at total landscapes rather than 鉴于我们明确关注人类、他们的群体动物和环境之间的动态关系，建议考古学家在这个阶段集中精力于特定类型遗址的定位和分析，即动物围栏，似乎有些奇怪。近年来，针对以遗址为导向的方法，许多有效的批评意见提出，支持更广泛的表面调查，或者如邓内尔和丹西（1983）所称的“无遗址调查”。我们对这些方法表示赞同，它们在提供更有用的数据以进行定位和环境分析方面应该具有特别的实用性。我们应该关注整体景观，而不是
simply at points on the map alone. But our contention is that animal enclosures are the sites most likely to yield the richest data on humans and their herd animals, and they have the additional advantage of being the most easily located. 仅仅在地图上的某些点上。但我们的观点是，动物围栏是最有可能提供关于人类及其群体动物的丰富数据的地点，并且它们还有一个额外的优势，即最容易找到。
Regarding the activity patterns associated with these sites, we advocate the necessity of conducting more actualistic research to aid in their more effective interpretation. There is a need for more specific analysis of actual herd behavior in a variety of settings. For example, Nyerges (1982), through the careful observation of caprine grazing in the Turan, has developed important data in support of his contention that such flocks and the vegetative community of the Turan have co-adapted to one another. Other ethnographic studies have demonstrated the importance of home range behavior or "hefting" in Mediterranean sheep flocks (Koster 1977; Lewthwaite 1984; Ryder 1983) in both localized flocks and those traveling between distant pastures. As Lewthwaite (1984) perceptively notes, in such studies it is best to focus on areas congruent with those which we intend to study archaeologically. For example, Swidler (1972) in Pakistan and Barth (1961) in Iran both reported upper and lower limits for efficient flock management, which, they argue, were based upon animal behavior. This may be true, but it is certainly not species-specific behavior, in that Koster (1977) has found extremely efficient and successful flocks less than half the size of Swidler's posited lower limit. It is likely that such differences in behavior find their source in variation with regard to herding methods and grazing and flocking behavior in specific environments. Indeed, there may have been strong selection for just these characteristics. 关于与这些地点相关的活动模式，我们主张有必要进行更多实际研究，以帮助更有效地解释它们。需要对各种环境中的实际群体行为进行更具体的分析。例如，Nyerges（1982）通过对土耳其草原上山羊放牧的仔细观察，发展了重要的数据，以支持他关于这些羊群与土耳其的植被群落相互适应的论点。其他民族志研究表明，地中海羊群的活动范围行为或“重心”在局部羊群和在远距离牧场之间移动的羊群中都很重要（Koster 1977；Lewthwaite 1984；Ryder 1983）。正如 Lewthwaite（1984）敏锐指出的，在这样的研究中，最好关注与我们打算考古研究的区域一致的区域。例如，Swidler（1972）在巴基斯坦和 Barth（1961）在伊朗都报告了有效羊群管理的上限和下限，他们认为这些是基于动物行为的。 这可能是正确的，但这肯定不是物种特异性的行为，因为 Koster（1977）发现的极其高效和成功的群体规模不到 Swidler 所设定下限的一半。这种行为差异很可能源于在特定环境中放牧方法和群聚行为的变化。实际上，可能对这些特征有强烈的选择压力。
This is not the place to enter the protracted sniping over the uses and abuses of analogy in archaeology. Our position is simply that actualistic research has enormous potential for the development of hypotheses which can be tested in the archaeological record, as is widely accepted. Such research may also provide a more realistic sense of the archaeologically possible. We agree with Gifford that, in dealing with the problem of uniformitarian assumptions in actualistic studies, "the more uniform the relationship between a given attribute and both its cause and ecological context through a variety of modern cases, the more defensible the assumption that this relationship has been uniform through time" (1981:392). We also concur with Gifford that, in view of this fact, "prehistoric samples of rather shallow time depth have the greatest potential for richly textured reconstruction'’ (1981:392). 这不是讨论考古学中类比使用和滥用的漫长争论的地方。我们的立场很简单，实际主义研究在发展可以在考古记录中进行检验的假设方面具有巨大的潜力，这是广泛接受的。这种研究也可能提供对考古学上可能性的更现实的理解。我们同意吉福德的观点，在处理实际主义研究中均匀假设的问题时，“在各种现代案例中，给定属性与其原因和生态背景之间的关系越均匀，假设这种关系在时间上是均匀的就越有说服力”（1981:392）。我们也同意吉福德的看法，考虑到这一事实，“相对浅时间深度的史前样本在丰富的重建方面具有最大的潜力”（1981:392）。
For this reason and because of the intrinsic interest of the problems, we are calling for archaeological research on more recent pastoralists. We must recognize that, as important as are questions of initial domestication, there are other questions to be answered. For example, it is a commonplace assumption that the nineteenth century A.D. represents a period of major demographic and economic transformation. But our historical understanding of such a watershed in world history and of pastoralists in east Africa, the Mediterranean, the Andes, the 因此，基于这个原因以及问题本身的内在兴趣，我们呼吁对更近代的牧民进行考古研究。我们必须认识到，尽管初始驯化的问题非常重要，但还有其他问题需要回答。例如，十九世纪被普遍认为是一个重大的人口和经济转型时期。但我们对世界历史上这样一个分水岭以及东非、地中海、安第斯山脉的牧民的历史理解仍然不足。
American Southwest, and the Near East can only be dimly viewed through the veil of historical documentation. 美国西南部和近东只能通过历史文献的面纱模糊地观察。
Perhaps we appear overly sanguine about the possibilities of developing a more effective understanding of the historic and prehistoric development of pastoralism through archaeological investigation. This chapter has served its purpose if it brings archaeologists in greater numbers to the conclusion that pastoralists are archaeologically accessible, and if we get on with the work. 也许我们对通过考古调查更有效地理解历史和史前游牧主义的发展显得过于乐观。如果这一章能使更多的考古学家得出游牧民在考古上是可接触的结论，并且我们能继续进行这项工作，那么它就达到了目的。
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 致谢
The critical comments made by anonymous reviewers on earlier drafts of this paper helped to strengthen and focus our arguments. We wish to thank these reviewers for their insights. Perry Gnivecki, James Lewthwaite, and Michael Schiffer commented on the first draft. Many thanks to the numerous authors who generously sent reprints of their research. Heather Harvey, Kay Williams, Jenny Mortimore, and Perry Tourtellotte helped in the production of various drafts. Anita Hildebrandt had the difficult and challenging task of assembling and typing the final version of this article. We wish to express our gratitude to Keith Adams for his information on cuticle analysis of plant remains. We also are indebted to Michael Schiffer, who encouraged us to pursue this topic in print and then waited patiently for various versions of this chapter over a 3-year period. 匿名评审者对本文早期草稿的批评意见帮助我们加强和聚焦了论点。我们感谢这些评审者的见解。佩里·格尼维基、詹姆斯·卢斯韦特和迈克尔·希弗对第一稿进行了评论。非常感谢众多慷慨提供研究重印本的作者。希瑟·哈维、凯·威廉姆斯、珍妮·莫提莫尔和佩里·图尔特洛特在各个草稿的制作中提供了帮助。安妮塔·希尔德布兰特承担了组装和打字最终版本的艰巨任务。我们要感谢基思·亚当斯提供的植物遗骸表皮分析的信息。我们还要感谢迈克尔·希弗，他鼓励我们将这个主题付诸出版，并在 3 年期间耐心等待本章的各个版本。
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1981 Surveys and archaeological research. Annual Review of Anthropology 10:63-88. 1981 年调查和考古研究。《人类学年鉴》10:63-88。
1985 Modern land use versus the past: a case study from Calabria. In Papers in Italian archaeology IV, Part i, The human landscape, edited by C. Malone and S. Stoddart. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 242. Pp. 27-40. 1985 年 现代土地利用与过去的对比：来自卡拉布里亚的案例研究。在《意大利考古学论文 IV，第一部分，人类景观》中，由 C. Malone 和 S. Stoddart 编辑。英国考古报告，国际系列，242。第 27-40 页。
Ammerman, A. J., D. P. Gifford, and A. Voorips 阿默曼，A. J.，D. P. 吉福德，和 A. 沃里普斯
1978 Towards an evaluation of sampling strategies: simulated excavations of a Kenyan pastoralist site. In Simulation studies in archaeology, edited by I. Hodder. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 123-132. 1978 年 对采样策略的评估：肯尼亚牧民遗址的模拟挖掘。在《考古学中的模拟研究》，编辑：I. 霍德。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。第 123-132 页。
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1977 Basque ethnoveterinary practices in the San Joaquin Valley of California. In AngloAmerican contributions to Basque studies: essays in honor of Jon Bilbao, edited by W. A. Douglass, R. W. Etulain, and W. H. Jacobsen, Jr. Desert Research Institute Publications on the Social Sciences, No. 13. 1977 年加利福尼亚州圣华金谷的巴斯克民族兽医实践。在《对巴斯克研究的英美贡献：献给乔恩·比尔巴奥的论文集》中，由 W. A. Douglass、R. W. Etulain 和 W. H. Jacobsen, Jr.编辑。沙漠研究所社会科学出版物，第 13 号。
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1975 Hydatid disease transmission in California: a study of the Basque connection. American Journal of Epidemiology 102(4):291-302. 1975 年加利福尼亚州的包虫病传播：巴斯克联系的研究。《美国流行病学杂志》102(4):291-302。
Asad, T. 阿萨德, T.
1979 Equality in nomadic social systems? Notes towards the dissolution of an anthropological category. In Pastoral production and society, edited by L'equipe écologies et 1979 游牧社会系统中的平等？关于人类学范畴解散的笔记。在《牧业生产与社会》中，由生态学团队编辑。
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1984 Nomades et sédentaires: perspectives ethnoarchéologiques. Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilizations, Memoire 40. 1984 游牧与定居者：民族考古学视角。巴黎：文明研究出版社，纪念 40。
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1961 Opal phytoliths and mineral particles in the rumen of sheep. Australian Journal of Agricultural Research 12(3):462-472. 1961 年绵羊瘤胃中的欧泊植物微体和矿物颗粒。《澳大利亚农业研究杂志》12(3):462-472。
Baker, J., and D. Brothwell 贝克，J. 和 D. 布罗斯韦尔
1980 Animal diseases in archaeology. New York: Academic Press. 1980 年考古学中的动物疾病。纽约：学术出版社。
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1980 Phosphate analysis in archaeology—problems and recent progress. Norwegian Archaeological Review 13(2):73-101. 1980 年 考古学中的磷酸盐分析——问题与近期进展。挪威考古学评论 13(2):73-101。
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1981 Landscape and society: prehistoric and central Italy. London and New York: Academic Press. 1981 年《风景与社会：史前和中部意大利》。伦敦和纽约：学术出版社。
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1956 Ecological relations of ethnic groups in Swat, North Pakistan. American Anthropologist 58:1079-1089. 1956 年，巴基斯坦北部斯瓦特地区民族群体的生态关系。《美国人类学家》58:1079-1089。
1961 Nomads of South Persia. Universities Ethnografiske Museum, Bulletin 8. Oslo. 1961 年南波斯的游牧民族。大学民族学博物馆，公报 8。奥斯陆。
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1984 Seasonality among neolithic hunter-gatherers in southern Sinai. In Animals and archaeology, Vol. 3, Early herders and their flocks, edited by J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 202. Pp. 145-160. 1984 年南西奈新石器时代猎人采集者的季节性。在《动物与考古学》，第 3 卷，早期牧民及其羊群，编辑：J. Clutton-Brock 和 C. Grigson。英国考古报告，国际系列，202。第 145-160 页。
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1973 Nomads and farmers: a study of the Yoruk of southeastern Turkey. University of Michigan, Anthropological Papers 52. 1973 游牧民族与农民：对土耳其东南部 Yoruk 的研究。密歇根大学，人类学论文 52。
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1977 The role of exchange in productive specialization. American Anthropologist, 79(4): 824-841. 1977 交换在生产专业化中的作用。《美国人类学家》，79(4)：824-841。
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1980 Fossils in the making. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1980 年 化石的形成。芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社。
Bender, M. M., D. A. Baerreis, and R. L. Steventon 本德，M. M.，D. A. 贝尔雷斯，和 R. L. 斯蒂文顿
1981 Further light on carbon isotopes and Hopewell agriculture. American Antiquity 46:346-353. 1981 年 关于碳同位素和霍普韦尔农业的进一步研究。《美国古物》46:346-353。
1981 Bones: ancient man and modern myths. New York: Academic Press. 1981 年《骨头：古人类与现代神话》。纽约：学术出版社。
Blomberg, B. 布隆伯格，B.
1981 Material correlates of increasing sedentism: the Black Mesa Navajo. Paper presented at the 46th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, San Diego. 1981 年 增加定居生活的物质相关因素：黑色 mesa 纳瓦霍。论文在第 46 届美国考古学会年会上发表，圣地亚哥。
Bökönyi, S. 博科尼，S.
1976 Development of early stock rearing in the Near East. Nature 264:19-23. 1976 年近东早期鱼苗培育的发展。《自然》264:19-23。
Bombin, M., and K. Muehlenbachs 博宾，M.，和 K. 穆伦巴赫斯
1980 Potential of ratios in opaline plant silica as a continental paleoclimatic tool. Abstracts, Sixth Biennial Meeting, American Quarternary Association, Orono. 1980 年《 比率在欧泊植物硅中的潜力作为大陆古气候工具》。摘要，第六届双年会，美国第四纪协会，奥罗诺。
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1981 Ecological and economic factors in the determination of pastoral specialization. Journal of Asian and African Studies 16(1-2):33-49. 1981 年 生态和经济因素在牧业专业化中的决定作用。《亚洲与非洲研究杂志》16(1-2):33-49。
Bower, J. R. F. 鲍尔，J. R. F.
1978 Culture, environment and technology: preliminary results of an archaeological study in Kenya. Proceedings of the Iowa Academy of Science 85:41-4. 1978 年 文化、环境与技术：肯尼亚考古研究的初步结果。爱荷华科学院学报 85:41-4。
Bower, J. R. F., and C. Nelson 鲍尔，J. R. F. 和 C. 纳尔逊
1978 Early pottery and pastoral cultures of the Central Rift Valley, Kenya. Man 113:55466. 1978 年，肯尼亚中央裂谷的早期陶器和牧业文化。《人类》113:55466。
Bower, J. R. F., C. M. Nelson, A. F. Waibel, and S. Wandibba 鲍尔，J. R. F.，C. M. 纳尔逊，A. F. 韦贝尔，和 S. 瓦迪巴
1977 The University of Massachusetts' later Stone Age/pastoral "Neolithic" comparative study in Central Kenya: an overview. Azania 12:119-146. 1977 年马萨诸塞大学关于肯尼亚中部晚石器时代/牧 pastoral "新石器时代" 的比较研究：概述。Azania 12:119-146。
Braudel, F. 布罗代尔, F.
1949 The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World of Phillip II. New York: William Collins Sons, Ltd. and Harper and Row. (English translation 1973). 1949 年《地中海与菲利普二世的地中海世界》。纽约：威廉·柯林斯公司和哈珀·罗出版社。（英文翻译 1973 年）。
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1983 Combustions et parcage des herbivores domestiques. Le point de vue sedimentologue. Bulletin de la Societé Préhistorique Française 80:143-145. 1983 年 家畜的燃烧与停放。沉积学家的观点。法国史前学会会刊 80:143-145。
Brookes, I. A., L. D. Levine, and R. W. Dennell 布鲁克斯，I. A.，L. D. 莱文，和 R. W. 丹内尔
1982 Alluvial sequence in central West Iran and implications for archaeological survey. Journal of Field Archaeology 9:2285-299. 1982 年伊朗西部中央地区的冲积层序及其对考古调查的启示。《田野考古学杂志》9:2285-299。
Browman, D. L. 布劳曼，D. L.
1981a Isotopic discrimination and correction factors in radiocarbon dating. In Advances in archaeological method and theory, Vol. 4, edited by M. B. Schiffer. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 241-296. 1981a 放射性碳定年中的同位素歧视和修正因子。载于《考古学方法与理论进展》，第 4 卷，编辑 M. B. Schiffer。纽约：学术出版社。页码 241-296。
1981b New light in Andean Tiwanaku: a detailed reconstruction of Tiwanaku's early and religious empire. American Scientist 69(1):408-19. 1981b 安第斯提瓦纳库的新视野：对提瓦纳库早期和宗教帝国的详细重建。美国科学家 69(1):408-19。
Brown, D. A. 布朗，D. A.
1984 Prospects and limits of a phytolith key for grasses in the central United States. Journal of Archaeological Science 11:345-368. 1984 年 中部美国草本植物的植物硅体关键的前景与局限性。《考古科学杂志》11:345-368。
Bryant, Jr., V. M. 布莱恩特 Jr.，V. M.
1974a Pollen analysis of prehistoric human feces from Mammoth Cave. In Archaeology of the Mammoth Cave area, edited by P. J. Watson. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 203-210. 1974a 对猛犸洞史前人类粪便的花粉分析。在《猛犸洞地区考古学》中，由 P. J. Watson 编辑。纽约：学术出版社。第 203-210 页。
1974b Prehistoric diet in Southwest Texas: the coprolite evidence. American Antiquity 39(3):407-420. 1974b 德克萨斯州西南部的史前饮食：粪化石证据。《美国古物》39(3):407-420。
Bryant, Jr., V. M., and R. G. Holloway 布莱恩特 Jr.，V. M. 和 R. G. 霍洛威
1983 The role of palynology in archaeology. In Advances in archaeological method and theory, Vol. 6, edited by M. B. Schiffer. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 191-224. 1983 年，花粉学在考古学中的作用。载于《考古学方法与理论进展》第 6 卷，编辑：M. B. Schiffer。纽约：学术出版社。页码 191-224。
Bryant, Jr., V. M., and G. Williams-Dean 布莱恩特 Jr.，V. M. 和 G. 威廉姆斯-迪恩
1975 The coprolites of man. Scientific American 232(1):100-109. 1975 年 人类的粪化石。《科学美国人》232(1):100-109。
Burleigh, R., and D. Brothwell 伯利，R.，和 D. 布罗斯韦尔
1978 Carbon isotopes in relation to maize in the diet of domestic dogs from early Peru and Ecuador. Journal of Archaeological Science 5:355-362. 1978 年 碳同位素与早期秘鲁和厄瓜多尔家犬饮食中的玉米关系。考古科学杂志 5:355-362。
Burris, R. H., and C. C. Black 巴里斯，R. H.，和 C. C. 布莱克
metabolism and plant productivity. Baltimore: University Park Press. 代谢与植物生产力。巴尔的摩：大学公园出版社。
Callen, E. O. 卡伦，E. O.
1963 Diet as revealed by coprolites. In Science in archaeology, edited by D. Brothwell and E. Higgs. New York: Basic Books. Pp. 235-243. 1963 年通过粪化石揭示的饮食。在《考古学中的科学》，由 D. Brothwell 和 E. Higgs 编辑。纽约：基础书籍。第 235-243 页。
1967 Analysis of the Tehuacan coprolites. In The prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley, Vol. 1, Environment and subsistence, edited by D. S. Byers. Austin: University of Texas Press. Pp. 261-289. 1967 年对特瓦坎粪化石的分析。在《特瓦坎谷的史前时期》，第 1 卷，环境与生计，编辑：D. S. Byers。奥斯丁：德克萨斯大学出版社。页 261-289。 Callen, E. O., and P. S. Martin 卡伦，E. O. 和 P. S. 马丁
1969 Plant remains in some coprolites from Utah. American Antiquity 34:329-331. 1969 年犹他州一些粪化石中的植物遗骸。《美国古物》34:329-331。
Campbell, J. K. 坎贝尔，J. K.
1964 Honour, family and patronage: a study of institutions and moral values in a Greek mountain community. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1964 荣誉、家庭和赞助：希腊山区社区的制度与道德价值研究。牛津：克拉伦登出版社。
Carbone, V. 卡尔博内，V.
1977 Phytoliths as paleoecological indicators. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 288:194-205. 1977 年植物微体作为古生态指示物。《纽约科学院年鉴》288:194-205。
Casteel, R. W. 卡斯特尔, R. W.
1977 Characterization of faunal assemblages and the minimum number index: a problem in faunal characterization. Journal of Archaeological Science 4:125-134. 1977 年 动物群落特征及最小数量指数：动物特征化中的一个问题。《考古科学杂志》4:125-134。
Caswell, H., F. Reed, S. N. Stephenson, and P. A. Werner 卡斯威尔, H., F. 里德, S. N. 斯蒂芬森, 和 P. A. 韦尔纳
1973 Photosynthetic pathways and selective herbivory: a hypothesis. American Naturalist . 1973 光合作用途径与选择性食草：一个假说。美国自然主义者 。
Chang, C. 常，C.
1981 The archaeology of contemporary herding sites in Didyma, Greece. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton. 1981 年 希腊迪迪马当代牧场遗址的考古学。未发表的博士论文，纽约州立大学宾汉姆顿分校。
1984 The ethnoarchaeology of herding sites in Greece. MASCA Journal 3(2):44-48. 1984 希腊牧场遗址的民族考古学。MASCA 期刊 3(2):44-48。
Chaplin, R. E. 查普林, R. E.
1969 The use of non-morphological criteria in the study of animal domestication from bones found on archaeological sites. In The domestication and exploitation of plants and animals, edited by P. J. Ucko and G. W. Dimbleby. Chicago: Aldine. Pp. 231-245. 1969 年在考古遗址发现的骨骼研究动物驯化时使用非形态学标准。在《植物和动物的驯化与利用》中，由 P. J. Ucko 和 G. W. Dimbleby 编辑。芝加哥：阿尔丁出版社。页码 231-245。
1971 The study of animal bones from archaeological sites. New York: Seminar Press. 1971 年 从考古遗址研究动物骨骼。纽约：研讨会出版社。
Clason, A. T. (editor) 克拉森，A. T.（编辑）
1975 Archaeozoological studies. Amsterdam-Oxford: North Holland. 1975 年考古动物学研究。阿姆斯特丹-牛津：北荷兰。
Clutton-Brock, J. 克拉顿-布罗克, J.
1981 Domesticated animals from early times. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1981 年 早期驯化动物。奥斯丁：德克萨斯大学出版社。
Clutton-Brock, J. and C. Grigson (editors) 克拉顿-布罗克，J. 和 C. 格里格森（编辑）
1984 Animals and archaeology, Vol. 3, Early herders and their flocks. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 202. 1984 动物与考古学，第 3 卷，早期牧民及其羊群。英国考古报告，国际系列，202。
Coles, J. 科尔斯，J.
1973 Archaeology by experiment. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1973 年 实验考古学。纽约：查尔斯·斯克里布纳之子。
Collier, S., and J. P. White 科利尔, S. 和 J. P. 怀特
1976 Get them young? Age and sex inferences on animal domestication in archaeology. American Antiquity 41:96-101. 1976 年年轻时就驯化它们？考古学中关于动物驯化的年龄和性别推断。《美国古物》41:96-101。
Connor, D. 康纳，D.
1981 The Kiseiba Plateau: a systematic surface survey of Egypt's Western Desert. Paper presented at the Poznan Conference on Prehistory in Northeast Africa, Fall 1980. Prepared written version, March 3, 1981, on file, Department of Anthropology, Southern Methodist University, Dallas. 1981 年 基塞巴高原：埃及西部沙漠的系统表面调查。1980 年秋季在波兹南东北非史前会议上发表的论文。书面版本准备于 1981 年 3 月 3 日，存档于南方卫理公会大学人类学系，达拉斯。
1982 Cattle pastoralism in the Sahara: evidence for a Neolithic Complex in the 8th Millennium B.c. Paper presented at the 47th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Minneapolis, Minnesota. 1982 年撒哈拉的牛牧业：公元前第八千年新石器时代复杂体的证据。论文在明尼阿波利斯，明尼苏达州举行的美国考古学会第 47 届年会上发表。
Conway, J. S. 康威，J. S.
1983 An investigation of soil phosphorus distribution within occupation deposits from a Romano-British hut group. Journal of Archaeological Science 10:117-128. 1983 年 对罗马-不列颠小屋群占用沉积物中土壤磷分布的调查。《考古科学杂志》10:117-128。
Cook, S. F., and R. F. Heizer 库克，S. F. 和海泽，R. F.
1965 Studies on the chemical analysis of archaeological sites. University of California Publications in Anthropology 2:1-102. 1965 年 考古遗址化学分析研究。加利福尼亚大学人类学出版物 2:1-102。
Cribb, R. L. 克里布，R. L.
1982 The archaeological dimensions of Near Eastern pastoralism. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Archaeology, University of Southampton. 1982 年《近东游牧主义的考古维度》。未发表的博士论文，南安普顿大学考古系。
1983 On-site ethnoarchaeology. Archaeological Review from Cambridge (2):4-16. 1983 年现场民族考古学。《剑桥考古学评论》（2）：4-16。
1984 Computer simulation of herding systems as an interpretative and heuristic device in the study of kill-off strategies. In Animals and archaeology, Vol. 3, Early herders and their flocks, edited by J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 202. Pp. 161-170. 1984 年，作为研究杀戮策略的解释性和启发性工具的群体系统计算机模拟。在《动物与考古学》第 3 卷，早期牧民及其羊群，编辑 J. Clutton-Brock 和 C. Grigson。英国考古报告，国际系列，202。第 161-170 页。
1985 The analysis of ancient herding systems: an application of computer simulation in faunal studies. In Beyond domestication in prehistoric Europe, edited by G. Barker and C. Gamble. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 75-103. 1985 古代放牧系统的分析：计算机模拟在动物研究中的应用。收录于《史前欧洲的超越驯化》，编辑：G. Barker 和 C. Gamble。纽约：学术出版社。页码：75-103。
Dahl, G., and Hjort A. 达尔，G.，和霍特，A.
1976 Having herds: pastoral herd growth and household economy. Stockholm Studies in Social Anthropology 2. 1976 拥有牧群：牧业增长与家庭经济。斯德哥尔摩社会人类学研究 2。
David, N. 大卫，N.
1971 The Fulani compound and the archaeologist. World Archaeology 3(2):111-131. 1971 富拉尼村落与考古学家。《世界考古学》3(2):111-131。
On the life span of pottery, type frequencies, and archaeological inference. American Antiquity 37:141-42. 关于陶器的寿命、类型频率和考古推断。《美国古物》37:141-42。
Davidson, I. 戴维森，I.
1980 Transhumance, Spain and ethnoarchaeology. Antiquity 54:144-147. 1980 年，迁徙，西班牙与民族考古学。《古物》54:144-147。
Davis, S. J. 戴维斯, S. J.
1976 Mammal bones from the early Bronze Age city of Arad, N. Negev, Israel. Some implications concerning human exploitation. Journal of Archaeological Science 3:153-164. 1976 年以色列北内盖夫阿拉德早期青铜时代城市的哺乳动物骨骼。一些关于人类利用的启示。《考古科学杂志》3:153-164。
1984 The advent of milk and wool production in western Iran: some speculations. In Animals and archaeology, Vol. 3, Early herders and their flocks, edited by J. CluttonBrock and C. Grigson. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 202. Pp. 1984 年 伊朗西部牛奶和羊毛生产的出现：一些推测。在《动物与考古学》，第 3 卷，早期牧人及其羊群，编辑：J. CluttonBrock 和 C. Grigson。英国考古报告，国际系列，202。页码
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1978 Carbon isotopic evidence for different feeding patterns in two hyrax species occupying the same habitat. Science 201:906-908. 1978 年碳同位素证据表明在同一栖息地中两种岩豚的不同取食模式。《科学》201:906-908。
Influence of diet on the distribution of nitrogen isotopes in animals. Geochimica et Cosmochimica Acta 45:341-351. 饮食对动物中氮同位素分布的影响。《地球化学与宇宙化学学报》45:341-351。
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1982 Archaeology and the study of desertification. In Desertification and development: dryland ecology in social perspective, edited by B. Spooner and H. S. Mann. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 43-60. 1982 年 考古学与沙漠化研究。在《沙漠化与发展：干旱地区生态的社会视角》中，由 B. Spooner 和 H. S. Mann 编辑。纽约：学术出版社。第 43-60 页。
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1975 Campments Baxtyâri: observations d'un ethnologie sur des materiaux interessant à l'archeologie. Studia Iranica 4:117-129. 1975 年 Baxtyâri 营地：一位民族学家对考古学中有趣材料的观察。伊朗研究 4:117-129。
1979 De la nécessité et des inconvénients, pour un Baxtyâri, d'être baxtyâri. Communauté, territoire et inegalité chez des pasteurs nomades d'Iran. In Pastoral production and society, edited by L'equipe écologie et anthropologies des sociétés pastorales. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 127-140. 1979 年，关于一个巴赫提亚里成为巴赫提亚里的必要性和不利之处。伊朗游牧牧民的社区、领土和不平等。在《牧业生产与社会》中，由牧业社会生态与人类学团队编辑。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。第 127-140 页。
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1963 Bacteria from Paleozoic salt deposits. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences . 1963 年来自古生代盐沉积的细菌。《纽约科学院年鉴》 。
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1969 Methodology and results of the study of the earliest domesticated animals in the Near East (Palestine). In The domestication and exploitation of plants and animals, edited by P. J. Ucko and G. W. Dimbleby. Chicago: Aldine. Pp. 265-275. 1969 年 近东（巴勒斯坦）最早驯化动物的研究方法和结果。在《植物和动物的驯化与利用》中，由 P. J. Ucko 和 G. W. Dimbleby 编辑。芝加哥：阿尔丁出版社。第 265-275 页。
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1983 Siteless survey: a regional scale data collection strategy. In Advances in archaeological method and theory, Vol. 6, edited by M. B. Schiffer. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 267-87. 1983 年无地点调查：一种区域规模的数据收集策略。载于《考古学方法与理论进展》第 6 卷，编辑 M. B. Schiffer。纽约：学术出版社。页 267-287。
1972 The study of nomads. In Perspectives on nomadism, edited by W. Irons and N. DysonHudson. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Pp. 2-29. 1972 游牧民族研究。在《游牧主义的视角》中，由 W. Irons 和 N. DysonHudson 编辑。莱顿：E. J. Brill。第 2-29 页。
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1969 Subsistence herding in Uganda. Scientific American 220(2):76-89. 1969 乌干达的生存性牧羊。《科学美国人》220(2):76-89。
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1966- Seasonal dwellings of farmers in north-western Luristan. Folk 8-9:373-401. 1966 年- 西北鲁里斯坦农民的季节性居住。民俗 8-9:373-401。
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1971 The individual in ecological adaptation: a study of four African peoples. Berkeley/Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1971 生态适应中的个体：对四个非洲民族的研究。伯克利/洛杉矶：加利福尼亚大学出版社。
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1973 A rapid chemical field test for archaeological site surveying. American Antiquity 38(2):206-209. 1973 年 一种用于考古遗址勘测的快速化学现场测试。《美国古物》38(2):206-209。
Detection and examination of anthrosols by phosphate analysis. Science 197:13271333. 通过磷酸盐分析检测和检查人类土壤。科学 197:1327-1333。
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1977 Kraal and castle. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1977 年，克拉尔与城堡。纽黑文：耶鲁大学出版社。
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1940 The Nuer. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1940 年《努尔》。牛津：克拉伦登出版社。
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1979 Tents: architecture of the nomads. London: John Murray. 1979 年帐篷：游牧民族的建筑。伦敦：约翰·穆雷。
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1965 The ecology of early food production in Mesopotamia. Science 147:1247-1256. 1965 年 美索不达米亚早期食品生产的生态学。《科学》147:1247-1256。
1969 Origins and ecological effects of early domestication in Iran and the Near East. In The domestication and exploitation of plants and animals, edited by P. J. Ucko and G. W. Dimbleby. London: Duckworth. Pp. 73-100. 1969 年 伊朗和近东早期驯化的起源及生态影响。在《植物和动物的驯化与利用》中，编辑：P. J. Ucko 和 G. W. Dimbleby。伦敦：达克沃斯。第 73-100 页。
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1976 Fire, axe, and plow: human influence on local plant communities in the southern Argolid. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 268:109-26. 1976 年 火、斧头和犁：人类对南阿尔戈利德地区地方植物群落的影响。《纽约科学院年鉴》268:109-26。
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1974 The Casper Site. New York: Academic Press. 1974 年 卡斯珀遗址. 纽约: 学术出版社.
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1970 Prehistoric human ecology in Utah: based on the analysis of coprolites. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Utah. 1970 年犹他州史前人类生态学：基于粪化石的分析。未发表的博士论文，犹他大学。
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1981 Land and livestock among Kenyan Maasai. Journal of Asian and African Studies . 1981 年肯尼亚马赛人的土地和牲畜。《亚洲与非洲研究杂志》 。
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1983 Neolithic transhumance in the Mediterranean Pyrenees. World Archaeology 15(1):5166. 1983 年地中海比利牛斯山的新石器时代迁徙。《世界考古学》15(1):5166。
1985 Mesolithic domestic sheep in west Mediterranean Europe. Journal of Archaeological Science 12(1):25-48. 1985 年西地中海地区的中石器时代家羊。《考古科学杂志》12(1):25-48。
Gifford, D. P. 吉福德，D. P.
1978 Ethnoarchaeological observations of natural processes affecting cultural materials. In Explorations in ethnoarchaeology, edited by R. A. Gould. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Pp. 77-102. 1978 年对影响文化材料的自然过程的民族考古学观察。在《民族考古学探索》中，由 R. A. Gould 编辑。阿尔伯克基：新墨西哥大学出版社。第 77-102 页。
1981 Taphonomy and paleoecology: a critical review of archaeology's sister disciplines. In Advances in archaeological method and theory, Vol. 4, edited by M. B. Schiffer. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 365-438. 1981 年，化石学与古生态学：对考古学姐妹学科的批判性回顾。载于《考古学方法与理论进展》第 4 卷，编辑：M. B. Schiffer。纽约：学术出版社。页码：365-438。
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1977 Observed formation and burial of a recent human occupation site in Kenya. Quaternary Research 8:245-266. 1977 年观察到肯尼亚一个近期人类居住遗址的形成和埋藏。《第四纪研究》8:245-266。
Gifford, D. P., G. L. Isaac, and C. M. Nelson 吉福德, D. P., G. L. 艾萨克, 和 C. M. 纳尔逊
1980 Evidence of predation and pastoralism at Prolonged Drift: a pastoral Neolithic site in Kenya. Azania 15:7-108. 1980 年在肯尼亚的 Prolonged Drift 发现捕食和牧羊的证据：一个新石器时代的牧羊遗址。Azania 15:7-108。
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1983 On the origins of specialized nomadic pastoralism in western Iran. World Archaeology . 1983 年 伊朗西部专业游牧牧业的起源。世界考古学 。
Gilbert, A. S., and B. H. Singer 吉尔伯特，A. S. 和 B. H. 辛格
1982 Reassessing zooarchaeological quantification. World Archaeology 14(1):21-40. 1982 重新评估动物考古学的量化。世界考古学 14(1):21-40。
Goldschmidt, W. 戈德施密特，W.
1979 A general model for pastoral social systems. In Pastoral production and society, edited by L'equipe écologies et anthropologies des sociétés pastorales. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 15-28. 1979 牧区社会系统的一般模型。在《牧区生产与社会》中，由牧区社会生态与人类学团队编辑。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。页码 15-28。
Grayson, D. K. 格雷森，D. K.
1979 On the quantification of vertebrate archaeofaunas. In Advances in archaeological method and theory, Vol. 2, edited by M. B. Schiffer. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 199-237. 1979 年 脊椎动物考古动物群的量化。在《考古方法与理论进展》第 2 卷，编辑 M. B. Schiffer。纽约：学术出版社。页 199-237。
Grzywinski, L. 格日温斯基，L.
1962 Parasitological analysis of excrement from excavations. Wiadomosci Parazyt 8:543548. 1962 年对挖掘出的粪便进行寄生虫学分析。Wiadomosci Parazyt 8:543548。
Guilaine, J., M. Barbaza, D. Geddes, J. Vernet, M. Llongueras, and M. Hopf 吉莱娜, J., M. 巴尔巴扎, D. 盖德斯, J. 韦尔内, M. 隆格拉斯, 和 M. 霍普
1982 Prehistoric human adaptations in Catalonia (Spain). Journal of Field Archaeology . 1982 年加泰罗尼亚（西班牙）史前人类适应。考古学实地研究杂志 。
Halstead, P. 霍尔斯特德，P.
1981 Counting sheep in Neolithic and Bronze Age Greece. In Patterns of the past: studies in honour of David Clarke, edited by I. Hodder, G. Isaac, and N. Hammond. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 307-39. 1981 年 在新石器时代和青铜时代的希腊数羊。在《过去的模式：献给大卫·克拉克的研究》中，由 I. 霍德、G. 艾萨克和 N. 哈蒙德编辑。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。第 307-39 页。
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1980 The temporal dimension: monitoring the changing ecology of settlement in Turan. Expedition 22(4):42-46. 1980 时间维度：监测图兰定居点生态的变化。探险 22(4):42-46。
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1982 Domestication revisited: its implications for faunal analysis. Journal of Field Archaeology 9:217-326. 1982 年驯化的再探：对动物群分析的影响。《田野考古学杂志》9:217-326。
Heizer, R. F., and L. K. Napton 海泽，R. F. 和 L. K. 纳普顿
1969 Biological and cultural evidence from prehistoric human coprolites. Science 165:563568 . 1969 年来自史前人类粪便的生物和文化证据。《科学》165:563-568。
Helmer, D. 赫尔默, D.
1984 La parcage des moutons et des chèvres au Néolithique Ancien et Moyen dans le sud de la France. In Animals and archaeology, Vol. 3, Early herders and their flocks, edited 1984 年，法国南部新石器时代早期和中期的羊和山羊圈养。在《动物与考古学》第 3 卷，早期牧民及其羊群，编辑。
by J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 202. Pp. 39-46. 由 J. Clutton-Brock 和 C. Grigson 撰写。英国考古报告，国际系列，202。第 39-46 页。
Henrickson, E. F. 亨里克森，E. F.
1983 Prehistoric pastoralism in the Zagros Highlands, western Iran: an evaluation of the archaeological evidence. Paper presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Anthropological Association, Chicago. 1983 年伊朗西部扎格罗斯高地的史前牧羊业：考古证据的评估。论文在美国人类学协会年会上发表，芝加哥。
Hercus, B. H. 赫卡斯，B. H.
1960 Plant cuticle as an aid to determining the diet of grazing animals. Proceedings of the Eighth International Grassland Congress, Reading, England. Hurley, Berks: Grassland Research Institute. Pp. 443-447. 1960 年 植物表皮作为确定食草动物饮食的辅助工具。第八届国际草地大会会议录，英格兰雷丁。赫尔利，伯克郡：草地研究所。第 443-447 页。
Hesse, B 赫塞, B
1982 Slaughter patterns and domestication: the beginnings of pastoralism in western Iran. Man, New Series 17:403-417. 1982 年屠宰模式与驯化：伊朗西部游牧主义的起源。《人类》，新系列 17:403-417。
1984 These are our goats: the origins of herding in west central Iran. In Animals and archaeology, Vol. 3, Early herders and their flocks, edited by J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 202. Pp. 243-264 1984 这些是我们的山羊：伊朗中西部牧羊的起源。在《动物与考古学》，第 3 卷，早期牧民及其羊群，编辑：J. Clutton-Brock 和 C. Grigson。英国考古报告，国际系列，202。第 243-264 页
Higgs, E. S. 希格斯, E. S.
1976 The history of European agriculture: the uplands. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B 275:159-173. 1976 欧洲农业史：高地。伦敦皇家学会哲学会刊 B 275:159-173。
Higgs, E. S. and C. Vita-Finzi 希格斯，E. S. 和 C. 维塔-芬齐
1972 Prehistoric economies: a territorial approach. Papers in Economic Prehistory, edited by E. Higgs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1972 史前经济：一种领土方法。经济史前论文，编辑 E. Higgs。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。
Hodder, I. 霍德，I.
1982 Symbols in action: ethnoarchaeological studies in material culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1982 年《行动中的符号：物质文化的民族考古学研究》。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。
Hofman, J. L. 霍夫曼, J. L.
1982 Exploring intrasite patterning and assemblage variation on historic sheepherder camps. North American Archaeologist. 3(2):89-111. 1982 年 探索历史牧羊人营地的场内模式和组合变化。北美考古学家。3(2):89-111。
Hole, F. D. 霍尔, F. D.
1974 Tepe Tula'i: an early campsite in Khuzistan, Iran. Paleorient 2:219-42. 1974 年 Tepe Tula'i：伊朗胡齐斯坦的一个早期营地。古代东方学 2:219-42。
1978 Pastoral nomadism in western Iran. In Explorations in ethnoarchaeology, edited by R. Gould. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Pp. 127-179. 1978 年伊朗西部的游牧牧民。在《民族考古学探索》中，编辑 R. Gould。阿尔伯克基：新墨西哥大学出版社。页 127-179。
1979 Rediscovering the past in the present: ethnoarchaeology in Luristan, Iran. In Ethnoarchaeology: implications of ethnography for archaeology, edited by C. Kramer. New York: Columbia University Press. Pp. 192-218. 1979 年 在当下重新发现过去：伊朗卢里斯坦的民族考古学。在《民族考古学：民族志对考古学的影响》，编辑 C. Kramer。纽约：哥伦比亚大学出版社。第 192-218 页。
Horne, L 霍恩，L
1980a Dryland settlement location: social and natural factors in the distribution of settlements in Turan. Expedition 22(4):11-17. 1980a 干旱地区定居点位置：图兰地区定居点分布的社会和自然因素。探险 22(4):11-17。
1980b Village morphology: the distribution of structures and activities in Turan villages. Expedition 22(4):18-23. 1980b 村落形态：图兰村庄中结构和活动的分布。探险 22(4):18-23。
Iberall, E. R. 艾伯拉尔, E. R.
1972 Paleoecological studies from fecal pellets, Stanton's Cave, Grand Canyon, Arizona. Unpublished master's thesis, University of Arizona. 1972 年来自亚利桑那州大峡谷斯坦顿洞的粪便颗粒古生态学研究。未发表的硕士论文，亚利桑那大学。
Ingold, T. 英戈尔德, T.
1979 Hunters, pastoralists, and ranchers: reindeer economies and their transformations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1979 年 猎人、牧民和牧场主：驯鹿经济及其转型。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。
1984 Time, social relationships and the exploitation of animals: anthropological reflections on prehistory. In Animals and archaeology, Vol. 3, Early herders and their flocks, edited by J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 202. Pp. 3-12. 1984 年，时间、社会关系与动物的剥削：对史前时期的人类学反思。在《动物与考古学》第 3 卷，早期牧民及其羊群，编辑：J. Clutton-Brock 和 C. Grigson。英国考古报告，国际系列，202。第 3-12 页。
1965 African pastoralists: some general remarks. Anthropological Quarterly 38(3): 14454 . 1965 年非洲牧民：一些一般性评论。《人类学季刊》38(3)：14454。
1975 Maasai pastoralism in historical perspective. In Pastoralism in tropical Africa, edited by T. Monod. London: Oxford University Press. Pp. 33-52. 1975 年，马赛人的牧业历史视角。在《热带非洲的牧业》中，编辑 T. Monod。伦敦：牛津大学出版社。第 33-52 页。
Jacobsen, T. W 雅各布森, T. W
1976 17,000 years of Greek prehistory. Scientific American 234:76-87. 1976 年，希腊史前时期的 1.7 万年。《科学美国人》234:76-87。
1978 Transhumance as a mechanism of exchange in Neolithic Greece. The Archaeological Institute of America, Abstracts 3:47. 1978 年，作为新石器时代希腊交换机制的迁徙。美国考古学会，摘要 3:47。
Francthi Cave and the beginning of settled village life in Greece. Hesperia 50(4):303319. 弗朗基洞穴与希腊定居村落生活的开始。赫斯佩里亚 50(4):303319。
1984 Seasonal pastoralism in the Neolithic of southern Greece. A consideration of the ecology of Neolithic Urfirnis pottery. In Pots and potters: current approaches in ceramic archaeology, edited by P. M. Rice. Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles. Pp. 27-43. 1984 年 南希腊新石器时代的季节性牧羊。对新石器时代乌尔菲尔尼斯陶器生态的考量。在《陶器与陶工：陶瓷考古学的当前方法》中，由 P. M. Rice 编辑。洛杉矶：加利福尼亚大学洛杉矶分校考古学研究所。第 27-43 页。
James III, C. D., and A. J. Lindsay 詹姆斯三世，C. D.，和 A. J. 林赛
1973 Ethnoarchaeological research at Canyon del Muerto, Arizona: Navajo example. Ethnohistory 20(4):361-374. 1973 年在亚利桑那州穆尔托峡谷的民族考古研究：纳瓦霍的例子。《民族历史》20(4):361-374。
Jansen, J., and H. J. Over 詹森，J. 和 H. J. 欧弗
1966 Observations on helminth infections in a Roman army camp. Proceedings of the 1st International Congress of Parasitology, Rome, September 21-26, 1964, Vol. 2, edited by A. Corradetti. Oxford: Pergamon Press. P. 791. 1966 年对罗马军营中蠕虫感染的观察。第一届国际寄生虫学大会论文集，罗马，1964 年 9 月 21-26 日，第 2 卷，编辑：A. Corradetti。牛津：Pergamon 出版社。第 791 页。
Johnson, D. L. 约翰逊，D. L.
1969 The nature of nomadism: a comparative study of pastoral migrations in southwestern Asia and northern Africa. University of Chicago: Department of Geography Research Paper No. 118. 1969 游牧主义的性质：对西南亚和北非牧民迁徙的比较研究。芝加哥大学：地理系研究论文第 118 号。
Johnson, G. A. 约翰逊，G. A.
1983 Decision-making organization and pastoral nomad camp size. Human Ecology 11(2):175-199. 1983 决策组织与游牧民族营地规模。《人类生态学》11(2):175-199。
Kehoe, T. 凯霍，T.
1973 The Gull Lake site: a prehistoric bison drive site in southwestern Saskatchewan. Milwaukee: Milwaukee Public Museum Publications in Anthropology and History, No. 1. 1973 年，海鸥湖遗址：位于萨斯喀彻温省西南部的史前野牛驱赶遗址。密尔沃基：密尔沃基公共博物馆人类学与历史出版物，第 1 号。
Kelley, K. B. 凯利，K. B.
1980 Navajo political economy before Fort Sumner. In The versatility of kinship, edited by L. S. Cordell and S. Beckerman. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 307-332. 1980 年纳瓦霍政治经济学在萨姆纳堡之前。在《亲属关系的多样性》中，编辑 L. S. Cordell 和 S. Beckerman。纽约：学术出版社。页 307-332。
1982a Ethnoarchaeology of the Black Hat Navajos: historical and ethnohistorical determinants of site features. Journal of Anthropological Research 38(1):45-74. 1982 年 黑帽纳瓦霍的民族考古学：遗址特征的历史和民族历史决定因素。《人类学研究杂志》38(1):45-74。
1982b Yet another reanalysis of the Navajo outfit: new evidence from historical documents. Journal of Anthropological Research 38(1):363-382. 1982b 对纳瓦霍服装的又一次重新分析：来自历史文献的新证据。《人类学研究杂志》38(1):363-382。
Kent, S. 肯特，S.
1983 The differentiation of Navajo culture, behavior, and material culture: a comparative study in culture change. Ethnology 12(1):81-89. 1983 纳瓦霍文化、行为和物质文化的差异化：文化变迁的比较研究。《民族学》12(1):81-89。
1984 Analyzing activity areas: an ethnoarchaeological study of the use of space. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 1984 分析活动区域：空间使用的民族考古学研究。阿尔伯克基：新墨西哥大学出版社。
Khazanov, A. M. 哈赞诺夫，A. M.
1984 Nomads and the outside world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1984 游牧民族与外部世界。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。
Kiley, M. 凯莉，M.
1966 A preliminary investigation into the feeding habits of the waterbuck by faecal analysis. East African Wildlife Journal 4:153-157. 1966 对水羚的摄食习性进行的初步调查，通过粪便分析。东非野生动物杂志 4:153-157。
Killen, J. P. 基伦，J. P.
1964 The wool industry of Crete in the late Bronze Age. Annual of the British School at Athens 1964 克里特岛青铜时代晚期的羊毛产业。雅典英国学校年鉴
1966 The Knossos Nc tablets. Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies, edited by L. R. Palmer and J. Chadwick. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 33-38 1966 年 克诺索斯 Nc 平板。剑桥迈锡尼研究研讨会会议录，编辑：L. R. Palmer 和 J. Chadwick。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。第 33-38 页
King. F. B. 国王. F. B.
1977 An evaluation of the pollen contents of coprolites as environmental indicators. Journal of the Arizona Academy of Science 12(1):47-52. 1977 年 粪化石花粉含量的评估作为环境指标。《亚利桑那科学学会杂志》12(1):47-52。
Klein, J. 克莱因，J.
1920 The Mesta: a study of Spanish economic history, 1273-1836. Harvard Economic Studies 21 . 1920 年《梅斯塔：西班牙经济史研究，1273-1836》。哈佛经济研究第 21 卷。
Klein, R. G., and K. Cruz-Uribe 克莱因，R. G. 和 K. 克鲁兹-乌里贝
1984 The analysis of animal bones from archaeological sites. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1984 年 考古遗址动物骨骼的分析。芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社。
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1984 Nutritional assessment from bone. Annual Review of Anthropology 13:75-96. 1984 年骨骼营养评估。《人类学年鉴》13:75-96。
Konrad, V. A., R. Bonnichsen, and V. Clay 孔拉德, V. A., R. 博尼申, 和 V. 克莱
1983 Soil chemical identification of ten thousand years of prehistoric human activity areas at the Munsungun Lake Thoroughfare, Maine. Journal of Archaeological Science 10:1328. 1983 年缅因州 Munsungun 湖通道地区一万年史前人类活动区域的土壤化学鉴定。《考古科学杂志》10:1328。
Koster, H. A. 科斯特，H. A.
1976 The thousand year road. Expedition 19(1):19-28. 1976 千年之路。探险 19(1):19-28。
1977 The ecology of pastoralism in relation to changing patterns of land use in the Northeast Peloponnese. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. 1977 年，东北佩洛波尼撒地区游牧生态与土地使用变化模式的关系。未发表的博士论文，宾夕法尼亚大学。
Kramer, C. 克雷默, C.
1982 Village ethnoarchaeology. New York: Academic Press. 1982 年 村落民族考古学。纽约：学术出版社。
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1962 Studies in frontier history. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1962 边疆历史研究。牛津：牛津大学出版社。
Laudermilk, J. D., and P. A. Munz 劳德米尔克，J. D.，和 P. A. 曼兹
1934 Plants in the dung of Nothrotherium from Gypsum Cave, Nevada. Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication 453:29-37. 1934 年内华达州石膏洞 Nothrotherium 粪便中的植物。华盛顿卡内基研究所出版物 453:29-37。
1938 Plants in the dung of Nothrotherium from Rampart and Muav caves, Arizona. Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication 487:271-281. 1938 年，来自亚利桑那州兰帕特和穆阿夫洞穴的 Nothrotherium 粪便中的植物。华盛顿卡内基研究所出版物 487:271-281。
Lee, R. B. 李，R. B.
1979 The !Kung San: men, women and work in a foraging society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1979 年《!Kung San：觅食社会中的男性、女性与工作》。剑桥：剑桥大学出版社。
Lees, S. H., and Bates, D. G. 李斯，S. H. 和贝茨，D. G.
1974 The origins of specialized nomadic pastoralism: a systematic model. American Antiquity 39:187-93. 1974 年 专门化游牧牧业的起源：一个系统模型。《美国古物》39:187-93。
Lewis, R. O. 刘易斯，R. O.
1981 Use of opal phytoliths in paleoenvironmental reconstructions. Journal of Ethnobiology 1981 年在古环境重建中使用蛋白石植物微体。民族生物学杂志
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1981 Plains tales from the hills: transhumance in mediterranean archaeology. In Economic archaeology: towards an integration of ecological and social approaches, edited by A. Sheridan and G. Bailey. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 96. Pp. 57-66. 1981 年《来自山丘的平原故事：地中海考古学中的季节性迁徙》。收录于《经济考古学：生态与社会方法的整合》，由 A. Sheridan 和 G. Bailey 编辑。英国考古报告，国际系列，96。页 57-66。
1982 Acorns for the ancestors: the prehistoric exploitation of woodland in the western Mediterranean. In Archaeological aspects of woodland ecology, edited by S. Limbrey 1982 年《祖先的橡果：西地中海地区史前森林的开发》。收录于 S. Limbrey 编辑的《森林生态的考古学方面》。
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1984
The art of Corse herding: archaeological insights from recent pastoral products on west Mediterranean islands. In Animals and archaeology, Vol. 3, Early herders and their flocks, edited by J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 202. Pp. 25-38. 科尔斯牧羊艺术：来自西地中海岛屿近期牧业产品的考古见解。在《动物与考古学》第 3 卷，早期牧民及其羊群，编辑：J. 克拉顿-布罗克和 C. 格里格森。英国考古报告，国际系列，202。第 25-38 页。
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1983 Camelid pastoralism and the emergence of Tiwanaku civilization in the south-central Andes. World Archaeology 15(1):1-14. 1983 年，骆驼类牧业与南中安第斯地区的提瓦纳库文明的出现。《世界考古学》15(1):1-14。
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1970 The cuticles of plants. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1970 植物的角质层。纽约：圣马丁出版社。
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1980a Making a living in the Turan: animals, land and wages. Expedition 22(4):29-35. 1980a 在土耳其生活：动物、土地和工资。探险 22(4):29-35。
1980b Pastoral production: milk and firewood in the ecology of Turan. Expedition 22(4):2428. 1980b 牧区生产：图兰生态中的牛奶和柴火。探险 22(4):2428。
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1964 Pollen analysis of prehistoric human feces: a new approach to ethnobotany. American Antiquity 30:168-180. 1964 年对史前人类粪便的花粉分析：一种新的民族植物学方法。《美国古物》30:168-180。
Meadow, R. H. 草地，R. H.
1984 Animal domestication in the Middle East: a view from the eastern margin. In Animals and archaeology, Vol. 3, Early herders and their flocks, edited by J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 202. Pp. 309337. 1984 年 中东的动物驯化：来自东部边缘的视角。在《动物与考古学》，第 3 卷，早期牧民及其羊群，编辑：J. Clutton-Brock 和 C. Grigson。英国考古报告，国际系列，202。页码：309-337。
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1982 Pollen studies in dry environments. In Desertification and development: dryland ecology in social perspective, edited by B. Spooner and H. S. Mann. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 249-267. 1982 年 干旱环境中的花粉研究。在《沙漠化与发展：社会视角下的干旱生态学》，由 B. Spooner 和 H. S. Mann 编辑。纽约：学术出版社。页 249-267。
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1972 Seasonal camps and early villages in the Zagros. In Man, settlement and urbanism, edited by P. J. Ucko, R. Tringham, and G. W. Dimbleby. London: Duckworth. Pp. 293-297. 1972 年扎格罗斯的季节性营地和早期村落。在《人、定居和城市化》中，由 P. J. Ucko、R. Tringham 和 G. W. Dimbleby 编辑。伦敦：达克沃斯。第 293-297 页。
1974 A survey of prehistoric sites in the Holailān Valley in Lorestān. Proceedings of the Second Annual Symposium on Archaeological Research in Iran, 1973, (pp. 34-52). Tehran: Iranian Centre for Archaeological Research, Muzeh-e Irān-e Bāstān. 1974 年对洛雷斯坦霍拉伊兰谷的史前遗址进行调查。1973 年伊朗考古研究第二届年会论文集，（第 34-52 页）。德黑兰：伊朗考古研究中心，伊朗古代博物馆。
1975 Survey and soundings in the Holailān Valley, 1974. Proceedings of the Third Annual Symposium of Archaeological Research in Iran (pp. 1-112). Tehran: Iranian Centre for Archaeological Research, Muzeh-e Irān-e Bāstān. 1975 年在霍莱兰谷的调查和勘测，1974 年。伊朗考古研究第三届年会论文集（第 1-112 页）。德黑兰：伊朗考古研究中心，伊朗古代博物馆。
1976 Chalcolithic settlements in the Holailān Valley. In Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Symposium on Archaeological Research in Iran (pp. 42-62). Tehran: Iranian Centre for Archaeological Research, Muzeh-e Irān-e Bāstān. 1976 年霍莱兰谷的铜石器时代定居点。在《伊朗考古研究第四届年会论文集》（第 42-62 页）。德黑兰：伊朗考古研究中心，伊朗古代博物馆。
Murra, J. 穆拉, J.
1965 Herders and herds in the Inca State. In Man, culture, and animals: the role of animals in human ecological adjustments, edited by A. Leeds and A. Vayda. Washington, D.C.: American Association for the Advancement of Science, No. 78. Pp. 185215. 1965 年，印加国家的牧人和牲畜。在《人、文化与动物：动物在人类生态调整中的作用》中，由 A. Leeds 和 A. Vayda 编辑。华盛顿特区：美国科学促进会，第 78 号。页码 185215。
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1981 An ethnoarchaeological study of a contemporary herder's site. Journal of Field Archaeology 8(3):372-81. 1981 年对当代牧民遗址的民族考古学研究。《田野考古学杂志》8(3):372-81。
Nansen, P., and R. J. Jorgensen 南森，P.，和 R. J. 约根森
1977 Parasite eggs identified in material from archaeological excavations in Ribe (the Vi- 1977 年在里贝的考古发掘材料中发现寄生虫卵（维-
king Age). Nordisk Veterinaermedicin/Scandinavian Journal of Veterinary Science 29:263-266. 国王时代）。北欧兽医学/斯堪的纳维亚兽医学杂志 29:263-266。
Netting, R. Mc. 网格，R. Mc.
1972 Of men and meadows: strategies of alpine land use. Anthropological Quarterly 45(3):132-144. 1972 年人与草地：阿尔卑斯地区土地利用的策略。《人类学季刊》45(3):132-144。
1977 Cultural ecology. Menlo Park, California: Cummings. 1977 年文化生态学。加利福尼亚州门洛帕克：卡明斯。
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1977 Traditional pastoralism in the Middle East: the ecology of domesticated sheep and goats in the Turan Biosphere Reserve, Iran. Unpublished master's thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania. 1977 年 中东传统牧羊业：伊朗图兰生物圈保护区驯化羊和山羊的生态学。未发表的硕士论文，宾夕法尼亚大学人类学系。
1980 Traditional pastoralism: an evolutionary perspective. Expedition 22(4):36-41. 1980 传统游牧主义：一种进化视角。探险 22(4):36-41。
1982 Pastoralists, flocks and vegetation: processes of co-adaptation. In Desertification and development: dryland ecology in social perspective, edited by B. Spooner and H. S. Mann. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 217-247. 1982 牧民、羊群与植被：共适应的过程。在《沙漠化与发展：干旱地区生态的社会视角》中，由 B. Spooner 和 H. S. Mann 编辑。纽约：学术出版社。页 217-247。
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1977a Against a definition of peasantries: agrarian production in Andean Peru. In Peasant livelihood: studies in economic anthropology and cultural ecology, edited by R. Halperin and J. Dow. New York: St. Martin's Press. Pp. 22-35. 1977a 反对对农民的定义：安第斯秘鲁的农业生产。在《农民生计：经济人类学和文化生态学研究》中，由 R. Halperin 和 J. Dow 编辑。纽约：圣马丁出版社。第 22-35 页。
1977b Alpacas, sheep, and men: wool export economy and regional society in southern Peru. New York: Academic Press. 1977b 驼羊、绵羊与人：秘鲁南部的羊毛出口经济与区域社会。纽约：学术出版社。
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1973 Kill-off patterns in sheep and goats: the mandibles from Asvan Kale. Anatolian Studies 13:281-303. 1973 年 羊和山羊的淘汰模式：来自阿斯万卡莱的下颌骨。安纳托利亚研究 13:281-303。
1975 Partial recovery and sample bias. In Archaeozoological studies, edited by A. T. Clason. Amsterdam-Oxford: North Holland. Pp. 7-17. 1975 年 部分恢复与样本偏差。在《考古动物学研究》中，编辑 A. T. Clason。阿姆斯特丹-牛津：北荷兰出版社。第 7-17 页。
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1982 Phytolith analysis: applications of a new paleoethnobotanical technique in archaeology. American Anthropologist 84(4):862-871. 1982 年植物微体分析：考古学中新古植物考古技术的应用。《美国人类学家》84(4):862-871。
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1968 A hunters' village in Neolithic Turkey. Scientific American 219:96-106. 1968 年 新石器时代土耳其的猎人村落。《科学美国人》219:96-106。
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1984 A comparison and differentiation of phytoliths from maize and wild grasses: use of morphological criteria. American Antiquity 49(2): 361-383. 1984 年 玉米和野生草本植物的植物硅体比较与区分：形态学标准的使用。美国古物学 49(2): 361-383。
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1971 Soil phosphate analysis as a tool in archaeology. Norwegian Archaeological Review . 1971 年土壤磷酸盐分析作为考古学的工具。挪威考古学评论 。
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1976 The analysis and interpretation of soil phosphorus in archaeological contexts. In Geoarchaeology: earth sciences and the past, edited by D. A. Davidson and M. L. Shackley. London: Duckworth. Pp. 93-113. 1976 年 考古背景下土壤磷的分析与解读。在《地质考古学：地球科学与过去》中，由 D. A. Davidson 和 M. L. Shackley 编辑。伦敦：Duckworth。第 93-113 页。
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1978 The rise of civilization. San Francisco: Freeman. 1978 文明的兴起。旧金山：弗里曼。
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1981 Decision making in subsistence herding of sheep and goats in the Middle East. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan. 1981 年中东地区羊和山羊的生存牧养决策。未发表的博士论文，密歇根大学。
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1960 Investigation of the viability of osmophile bacteria of great geological age. Transactions of the Kansas Academy of Sciences 63:31-34. 1960 年对古老地质时期渗透细菌生存能力的研究。《堪萨斯科学院学报》63:31-34。
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1983 The identification of pastoral peoples in the archaeological record: an example from East Africa. World Archaeology 15(1):67-78. 1983 年 考古记录中游牧民族的识别：来自东非的一个例子。《世界考古学》15(1):67-78。
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1973 Turkana material culture viewed from an archaeological perspective. World Archaeology 5(2):209-214. 1973 年图尔卡纳物质文化的考古视角。世界考古学 5(2):209-214。
1980 Lepoy: a late Stone-Age fishing and pastoralist settlement in the Lake Turkana basin, Kenya. East Lansing: Publications of the Museum, Anthropological Series, Volume 3, Number 1, Michigan State University. 1980 年 Lepoy：位于肯尼亚图尔卡纳湖盆地的晚石器时代渔猎和牧民定居点。东兰辛：博物馆出版物，人类学系列，第 3 卷，第 1 期，密歇根州立大学。
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1979 The method and theory of site catchment analysis: a review. In Advances in archaeological method and theory, Vol. 3, edited by M. B. Schiffer. New York: Academic Press. Pp. . 1979 年，地点集水区分析的方法与理论：综述。载于《考古学方法与理论进展》第 3 卷，编辑 M. B. Schiffer。纽约：学术出版社。页码 。
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1979 Sinai. Washington: Binns. 1979 西奈。华盛顿：宾斯。
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1983 Plant opal phytolith analysis: major advances in archaeobotanical research. In Advances in archaeological method and theory, Vol. 6, edited by M. B. Schiffer. New York: Academic Press. Pp. 225-266. 1983 年植物蛋白石植物细胞分析：考古植物学研究的重大进展。载于《考古学方法与理论进展》第 6 卷，编辑 M. B. Schiffer。纽约：学术出版社。第 225-266 页。
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1973 Urban autonomy in a nomadic environment. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 32:20115 . 1973 年 游牧环境中的城市自治。《近东研究杂志》32:20115。
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there has been a tendency to treat nomadism as a type of culture or a category of society. This approach is misleading, since there are no features of culture or of social organization that are common to all nomads or even that are found exclusively among nomads. (1973:3) 将游牧主义视为一种文化或社会类别的倾向是存在的。这种方法是误导性的，因为没有任何文化或社会组织的特征是所有游牧民族共有的，甚至没有特征是仅在游牧民族中发现的。(1973:3)
Over a 30-year period, bones and other perishable occupation debris on such sites progressively decompose, ultimately leaving a severely impoverished assemblage of cultural materials. Since the Dassanetch discard little debris other than food refuse, the severely weathered pastoral sites consist of little more than scattered ash lenses and hearthstones, along with rare nonperishable items. (Gifford and Behrensmeyer 1977:265) 在 30 年的时间里，这些遗址上的骨头和其他易腐烂的职业废物逐渐分解，最终留下了极为贫乏的文化材料组合。由于达萨内奇人几乎不丢弃除食物残渣以外的废物，因此这些严重风化的牧场遗址几乎只由散落的灰烬层和灶石组成，以及一些稀有的非易腐烂物品。(Gifford and Behrensmeyer 1977:265)
The second abandoned homestead appeared to be about a year old, and the third one was still older in terms of its relative deterioration. In both of these homesteads, there were hearth scatters and animal bones, but no artifacts were visible. However, it is likely that sub-surface excavation would reveal additional bones, hearth scatters, a few beads, broken glass, and metal fragments. (Robbins 1973:205) 第二个被遗弃的农舍似乎大约有一年的历史，而第三个则在相对恶化程度上更老。在这两个农舍中，都有炉灶残留物和动物骨骼，但没有可见的文物。然而，地下挖掘很可能会揭示更多的骨骼、炉灶残留物、几颗珠子、破碎的玻璃和金属碎片。(Robbins 1973:205)